American ideals, and other essays, social and political — John Shaqi
American ideals, and other essays, social and politicalRoosevelt, Theodore
General
American ideals, and other essays, social and political
Roosevelt, Theodore
National characteristics, American; United States -- Politics and government; United States -- Social conditions -- 1865-1918
A man of sound political instincts can no more subscribe to the
doctrine of absolute independence of party on the one hand than to
that of unquestioning party allegiance on the other. No man can
accomplish much unless he works in an organization with others, and
this organization, no matter how temporary, is a party for the time
being. But that man is a dangerous citizen who so far mistakes means
for ends as to become servile in his devotion to his party, and afraid
to leave it when the party goes wrong. To deify either independence or
party allegiance merely as such is a little absurd. It depends entirely
upon the motive, the purpose, the result. For the last two years, the
Senator who, beyond all his colleagues in the United States Senate, has
shown himself independent of party ties is the very man to whom the
leading champions of independence in politics most strenuously object.
The truth is, simply, that there are times when it may be the duty of a
man to break with his party, and there are other times when it may be
his duty to stand by his party, even though, on some points, he thinks
that party wrong; he must be prepared to leave it when necessary,
and he must not sacrifice his influence by leaving it unless it is
necessary. If we had no party allegiance, our politics would become
mere windy anarchy, and, under present conditions, our government could
hardly continue at all. If we had no independence, we should always be
running the risk of the most degraded kind of despotism,--the despotism
of the party boss and the party machine.
It is just the same way about compromises. Occasionally one hears some
well-meaning person say of another, apparently in praise, that he is
“never willing to compromise.” It is a mere truism to say that, in
politics, there has to be one continual compromise. Of course now and
then questions arise upon which a compromise is inadmissible. There
could be no compromise with secession, and there was none. There should
be no avoidable compromise about any great moral question. But only a
very few great reforms or great measures of any kind can be carried
through without concession. No student of American history needs to be
reminded that the Constitution itself is a bundle of compromises, and
was adopted only because of this fact, and that the same thing is true
of the Emancipation Proclamation.
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