American ideals, and other essays, social and politicalRoosevelt, Theodore
General
American ideals, and other essays, social and political
Roosevelt, Theodore
National characteristics, American; United States -- Politics and government; United States -- Social conditions -- 1865-1918
The array of vicious legislators is swelled by a number of men who
really at bottom are not bad. Foremost among these are those most
hopeless of beings who are handicapped by having some measure which
they consider it absolutely necessary for the sake of their own future
to “get through.” One of these men will have a bill, for instance,
appropriating a sum of money from the State Treasury to clear out a
river, dam the outlet of a lake, or drain a marsh; it may be, although
not usually so, proper enough in itself, but it is drawn up primarily
in the interest of a certain set of his constituents who have given
him clearly to understand that his continuance in their good graces
depends upon his success in passing the bill. He feels that he must
get it through at all hazards; the bad men find this out, and tell him
he must count on their opposition unless he consents also to help their
measures; he resists at first, but sooner or later yields; and from
that moment his fate is sealed,--so far as his ability to do any work
of general good is concerned.
A still larger number of men are good enough in themselves, but are
“owned” by third parties. Usually the latter are politicians who have
absolute control of the district machine, or who are, at least, of
very great importance in the political affairs of their district. A
curious fact is that they are not invariably, though usually, of the
same party as the member; for in some places, especially in the lower
portions of the great cities, politics become purely a business, and
in the squabbles for offices of emolument it becomes important for a
local leader to have supporters among all the factions. When one of
these supporters is sent to a legislative body, he is allowed to act
with the rest of his party on what his chief regards as the unimportant
questions of party or public interest, but he has to come in to heel at
once when any matter arises touching the said chief’s power, pocket, or
influence.
Other members will be controlled by some wealthy private citizen who is
not in politics, but who has business interests likely to be affected
by legislation, and who is therefore, willing to subscribe heavily to
the campaign expenses of an individual or of an association so as to
insure the presence in Albany of someone who will give him information
and assistance.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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