An Inquiry into the Principles of Political Oeconomy (Vol. 1 of 2): Being an essay on the science of domestic policy in free nations. In which are particularly considered population, agriculture, trade, industry, money, coin, interest, circulation, banks, exchange, public credit, and taxesSteuart, James, Sir
History
An Inquiry into the Principles of Political Oeconomy (Vol. 1 of 2): Being an essay on the science of domestic policy in free nations. In which are particularly considered population, agriculture, trade, industry, money, coin, interest, circulation, banks, exchange, public credit, and taxes
Steuart, James, Sir
Economics
To this I answer, that in such cases we do not adhere to our own
opinions, but to those of others, received upon trust. It is our regard
for the authority, and not for the opinion, which makes us tenacious:
for if the opinion were truly our own, we could not fail of seeing, or
at least we should not long be at a loss in recollecting the ground upon
which it is built. But when we assent implicitly to any political
doctrine, there is no room for reason: we then satisfy ourselves with
the persuasion that those whom we trust have sufficient reasons for what
they advance. While our assent therefore is implicit, we are beyond
conviction; not because we do not perceive the force of the arguments
brought against our opinion, but because we are ignorant of the force of
those which can be brought to support it: and as no body will sell what
belongs to him, without being previously informed of its value, so no
body will give up an implicit opinion, without knowing all that can be
said for it. To this class of men I do not address myself in my
inquiries.
But I insensibly run into a metaphysical speculation, to prove, that in
political questions it is better for people to judge from experience and
reason, than from authority; to explain their terms, than to dispute
about words; and to extend their combinations, than to follow conceits,
however decorated with the name of systems. How far I have avoided such
defects, the reader will determine.
Every writer values himself upon his impartiality; because he is not
sensible of his fetters. The wandering and independent life I have led
may naturally have set me free, in some measure, from strong attachments
to popular opinions. This may be called impartiality. But as no man can
be deemed impartial, who leans to any side whatever, I have been
particularly on my guard against the consequences of this sort of
negative impartiality, as I have found it sometimes carrying me too far
from that to which a national prejudice might have led me.
In discussing general points, the best method I found to maintain a just
balance in that respect, was to avert my eye from the country in which I
lived at the time; and to judge of absent things by the absent. Objects
which are present, are apt to produce perceptions too strong to be
impartially compared with those recalled only by memory.
When I have had occasion to dip into any question concerning the
preference to be given to certain forms of government above others, and
to touch upon points which have been the object of sharp disputes, I
have given my opinion with freedom, when it seemed proper: and in
stating the question, I have endeavoured to avoid all trite, and, as I
may call them, technical terms of party, which are of no other use than
to assist the disputants in their attempts to blacken each other, and to
throw dust in the eyes of their readers.
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