Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1760-1789; Satire; United States -- History -- Revolution, 1775-1783
He said, he was yet to learn what plan Administration could pretend to
alledge they had followed, or meant to follow, in America. Upon what
grounds could they attempt to prosecute an _offensive_ war? Or, taking
the alternative, how can they presume to say they have acted on the
_defensive_?⸺As to the first, they have thirty thousand men to conquer
the continent of America: admitting then the superiority of their army
and their navy, still he contended that superiority had been, and ever
must be ineffectual and useless; because, as long as the English army and
navy co-operate, the Americans will never have the unnecessary temerity
to give up the advantage of situation, or expose their cause to the
hazard of one decisive engagement. The last campaign was the clearest
proof of that position; and, now, though our fleet was superior to the
French, yet D’Estaign is safe at Boston.—It was, on that principle,
he doubted not, the gallant and experienced Commanders of the last
campaign had formed their conduct: It was their policy, and, in his
opinion, the best policy, to keep a collected force, and to avoid any
inferior exertions, that might require a separation, or weaken that
superiority, which, in case of a decisive action, they rightly judged
could alone have been fatal to American resistance.—It remained for
General Clinton to pursue a contrary policy.—Yet, though (he declared)
no man in that house entertained a higher respect for the personal and
professional merit of that able Commander, (who from his particular
talent for military enterprise, and his education under the Prince of
Brunswick, was best calculated for effecting such a plan) yet, from the
minutest investigation of the late Gazettes, he could not collect any
very auspicious presage of his military career. If indeed, from his
observation, of what had already happened, he might hazard an opinion of
what may happen, we had no reason to rejoice at the revival of that plan
of separation, which had proved so fatal in the Northern expedition. He
was sorry he had mentioned that expedition—It led him to a subject he
wished to avoid.—He had been accused of an asperity of reflexion on the
conduct of the noble Lord who planned that expedition. He would strive,
in future, to overcome his indignation, by indulging his contempt for
the Adviser of it.—Yet, thus much he would say; though unhappy for this
country, it was happy for our troops, happy for our officers, to be
directed and controlled by a Minister, to whose wisdom not even Envy
could ascribe one particle of their success, in whose imbecillity even
Justice would afford them an asylum from every disgrace.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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