Several weeks passed and he said no word of this,-although we went for
walks together and sat smoking sometimes in _cafés_ after dinner. It had
always been his habit to drop into deep silences, and now they lasted
longer than before. Now and then, however, he would be talkative,
argumentative, and passionate. At times there was a new light in
his eyes, as though lit by some inward fire. And he would smile
unconsciously as he blew out clouds of smoke, but more often he looked
worried, nervous, and irritable, as though passing through some new
mental crisis.
He spoke a good deal about German psychology and the German point of
view, illustrating his remarks sometimes by references to conversations
with Franz von Kreuzenach, with whom he often talked. He had come to
the conclusion that it was quite hopeless to convince even the
broadest-minded Germans that they were guilty of the war. They
admitted freely enough that their military party had used the Serbian
assassination and Austrian fury as the fuel for starting the blaze
in Europe. Even then they believed that the Chancellor and the civil
Ministry of State had struggled for peace until the Russian movements of
troops put the military party into the saddle so that they might ride to
hell. But in any case it was, Brand said, an unalterable conviction of
most Germans that sooner or later the war had been bound to come, as
they were surrounded by a ring of enemies conspiring to thwart their
free development and to overthrow their power. They attacked first as
a means of self-defence. It was an article of faith with them that they
had fought a defensive warfare from the start.
“That is sheer lunacy!” I said. Brand laughed, and agreed.
“Idiotic in the face of plain facts, but that only shows how strong is
the belief of people in their own righteousness. I suppose even now most
English people think the Boer War was just and holy. Certainly at the
time we stoned all who thought otherwise. Yet the verdict of the whole
world was against us. They regarded that war as the brutal aggression of
a great power upon a small and heroic people.”
“But surely,” I said, “a man like Franz von Kreu-zenach admits
the brutality of Germany in Belgium--the shooting of. priests and
civilians--the forced labour of girls--the smashing of machinery--and
all the rest of it?”
Brand said that Franz von Kreuzenach deplored the “severity” of German
acts, but blamed the code of war which justified such acts. It was not
his view that Germans had behaved with exceptional brutality, but that
war itself is a brutal way of argument. “We must abolish war,” he says,
“not pretend to make it kind.” As far as that goes, I agree with him.
“How about poison gas, the _Lusitania_, the sinking of hospital ships,
submarine warfare?”
Brand shrugged his shoulders.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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