Bismarck : $b some secret pages of his history (Vol. 1 of 3). Being a diary kept by Dr. Moritz Busch during twenty-five years' official and private intercourse with the great Chancellor — John Shaqi
Bismarck : $b some secret pages of his history (Vol. 1 of 3). Being a diary kept by Dr. Moritz Busch during twenty-five years' official and private intercourse with the great ChancellorBusch, Moritz
History
Bismarck : $b some secret pages of his history (Vol. 1 of 3). Being a diary kept by Dr. Moritz Busch during twenty-five years' official and private intercourse with the great Chancellor
Busch, Moritz
Bismarck, Otto, Fürst von, 1815-1898
_February 27th, evening._--Called to see the Minister. I am to
direct special attention to the nonsense written by the National
Liberal Press on the last sitting of the Reichstag. The Chancellor
said:--“The National Liberals are not a united party. They are merely
two fractions. Amongst their leaders Bennigsen and Forckenbeck are
sensible men, and there are also a couple of others. Miguel is inclined
to be theatrical. Loewe, with his deep chest notes, does everything
for effect. He has not made a single practical remark. Lasker is
effective in destructive criticism, but is no politician. It sounded
very odd to hear him declare that they were now too much occupied with
Rome in Paris and Vienna to interfere with us in connection with the
Baden affair. If it were possible to get those of really Progressist
views to act independently, it would make the situation much clearer.
Friedenthal’s speech was excellent. I must ask you also to emphasise
the following points:--1. The unfairness of the _National Zeitung_
in repeating misunderstandings which I explained and disposed of in
my speech. 2. The make-believe support given to my policy by men who
were elected for the express purpose of rendering me real assistance.
3. That such politicians either cannot see or intentionally overlook
my principal motive, viz., that to admit Baden into the Confederation
would bring pressure to bear upon Bavaria, and that it is therefore a
hazardous step. Attention should be paid to the situation in France,
so that nothing should be done which might endanger the Constitutional
evolution of that country, an evolution hitherto promoted in every way
from Berlin, as it signifies peace for us. The French Arcadians” (the
party that supported Napoleon through thick and thin) “are watching the
course of events in Germany, and waiting their opportunity. Napoleon is
now well disposed to us, but he is very changeable. We could now fight
France and beat her too, but that war would give rise to five or six
others; and while we can gain our ends by peaceful means, it would be
foolish, if not criminal, to take such a course. Events in France may
take a warlike or revolutionary turn, which would render the present
brittle metal there more malleable. There was an important point in my
speech, which, however, these good people failed to recognise. That was
the intimation that in certain circumstances we should pay no regard
either to the views of Austria respecting South Germany as a whole, nor
to those of France, who objected to the admission of any single South
German State into the North German Confederation. That was a feeler.
Further measures can only be considered when I know how that hint has
been received in Vienna and Paris.”
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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