Bismarck: some secret pages of his history (Vol. 3 of 3). Being a diary kept by Dr. Moritz Busch during twenty-five years' official and private intercourse with the great ChancellorBusch, Moritz
History
Bismarck: some secret pages of his history (Vol. 3 of 3). Being a diary kept by Dr. Moritz Busch during twenty-five years' official and private intercourse with the great Chancellor
Busch, Moritz
Bismarck, Otto, Fürst von, 1815-1898
“Finally, Unruh says here (page 19) that I aggravated the struggle
over the Military Bills into a constitutional conflict, that
I assumed an aggressive attitude towards the Opposition, and
endeavoured in almost every speech to incense them by jibes and
sneers, all this for the sole purpose of maintaining myself in power
and office against the Austrophil Court party; and, on page 20,
he repeats the same charge in the following words: ‘I am still of
opinion that Bismarck used and took advantage of the conflict to
maintain and strengthen his position.’ Now that is a gross slander,
such as would render a man liable to prosecution--a falsehood
arising from the same blindness as another on page 16, according to
which the great men of the National Union regarded me merely as the
representative of reaction. I desired no reaction, then as little
as now, when I am again charged with doing so. Had I desired it I
could have had it. Unruh and his colleagues would not have been
able to prevent it, and ‘The People’ who elected them, could have
done nothing. But it was not the people. The determined attitude I
adopted towards the Opposition in Parliament was just as little due
to the love of power, or to the desire to strengthen my ministerial
position. It was rather due to my innate Royalism, which has always
been a leading feature in my character. It was this which made me
hold fast to my position. In doing so I was guided by my sense of
duty towards my King, who, in the circumstances then obtaining,
could not have found another Minister. I remember saying to him,
‘No one shall have it in his power to say that your Majesty cannot
find a servant so long as there is one nobleman of the Altmark still
surviving.’ Otherwise, at that time, it was, honestly speaking, no
pleasure to be a Minister. A Legation in Paris, or even in Frankfurt,
would have been much pleasanter. There one had a good salary with
little work, little responsibility, and little worry, and was not
attacked and reviled on all hands. The provocation and the sarcastic
speeches in Parliament, of which Unruh complains, were not intended
to prolong or aggravate the conflict, but were an exercise of the
_jus talionis_. I am stated on page 17 to have often been most
offensive. There is no denying that. But even when my expressions
were offensive, they were not nearly so offensive as the language
used against me and other members of the Government by speakers in
the House. They were much coarser and more malicious than I ever was,
indeed actually abusive and threatening, speaking of ‘a Ministry of
tight-rope dancers,’ of ‘the reactionary brand of Cain,’ and other
unflattering epithets. I was not the man to submit to that sort of
thing. It was not in my nature to turn the left cheek to the smiter.
On the contrary, I defended myself and paid them back in their own
coin. Then, in addition to that, there was my contempt for the
doctrine of popular sovereignty, and my disgust at the Byzantine
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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