A considerable number of minor bills have been quietly allowed to drop.
This is not matter of lamentation, for, as far as we could comprehend
the principle of most of them, they were utterly worthless and uncalled
for. The Bill for the Removal of the Jewish Disabilities was, we rejoice
to say, thrown out in the House of Lords, the peers being of opinion
that the British Legislature should continue a Christian assembly. Lord
John, in the plenitude of his zeal for the Sanhedrim, gave notice of a
motion for altering the form of the oaths required to be taken by each
member of Parliament at his admission, and so introducing the Jew by a
convenient little postern. But somehow or other, as the session
progressed, the ardour of the Premier cooled, and Baron Rothschild is at
present left with as little chance of adorning the benches of St
Stephens as ever. Mr Joseph Hume and his party have got up a radical
alliance, for the extension of the suffrage and various other organic
schemes, and it was understood that Sir Joshua Walmsley was to have the
honour of leading the movement. Unfortunately, however, before the day
of debate had arrived, Sir Joshua had been unseated in consequence of
certain acts of bribery which had taken place in connexion with the
borough of Leicester, so that the purists had to march to battle under
the chieftainship of the veteran of Montrose. They were beaten hollow:
but at a later period of the session, the carelessness of ministers gave
a temporary triumph to the same parties, resolutions in favour of the
ballot having been passed by a small majority. This vote is of no
importance whatever, save in so far as it demonstrates the utter
helplessness of the Whigs when left to their own resources.
Whilst upon the subject of shelving, let us remark that the Scottish
Registration and Marriage Bills have shared a similar fate. Of this we
are devoutly glad. Not a single petition has been presented in their
favour; and though no doubt the registration of births, and a stricter
law of marriage, may be desirable, we think it might be quite possible
to accomplish both objects, without creating a new and expensive staff
of functionaries, or holding forth a prospect of entire immunity to
seduction. Possibly at a later period we may take an opportunity of
examining these postponed measures in detail.
Two more questions remain, and then the history of the session is ended.
They are of vast importance—Ireland, and our foreign policy.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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