We have now described the state of society with sufficient accuracy to enable us to examine the value of the measures adopted for founding a monarchy in Greece. From what we have said, it must be evident that constitutional government, as the Continental liberals and English political lecturers understand the term, could not be an object of much interest to those classes that were called upon to exercise universal suffrage. It probably never engaged their attention more seriously than the laws of gravitation or the number of the fixed stars. They felt that they wanted permanent and systematic administration, in place of the inconstant and arbitrary measures from which they suffered; they demanded security of property, liquidation of the public debt, and employment for labour, but they knew not how to arrive at the consummation of their wishes. Instead of attending to these commonplace matters, the British Government and its allies gave the Greeks a king, a court, a regency less united than their own Capitani, civil wars, additional debts, and an order of knighthood to corrupt foreign diplomatists; but not a road, a bridge, or a ferry-boat, was introduced into a country full of mountains and dangerous torrent-beds, and consisting, in great part, of peninsulas and islands. King Otho, who has spent £3,000,000 sterling on civil wars, and £1,000,000 on palaces, does not possess fifty miles of road practicable for a donkey-cart, in his whole dominions. There is not a carriage-road from Athens to Corinth, nor a ferry-boat to the islands of the Archipelago. Need we wonder, then, if the Greeks despise their own Government, and suspect the intentions of the three protecting powers that support it in its evil conduct? The consequence is, that fifteen thousand military and police officials fail to preserve order in a population of nine hundred and twenty thousand souls. The result of this political experiment, in the foundation of monarchies, certainly reflects little credit on the statesmen of England, France, and Russia.