which is at present almost universally studied as a dead language, and
that by a most laborious and tedious process of grammatical
indoctrination, may be more readily picked up, like German or French, in
the course of the living practice of a few months. It is worthy of
serious consideration, indeed, how far the progress of our young men in
an available knowledge of the finest language of the world may have been
impeded by the perverse methods of teachers who could not speak, and who
gave themselves no concern to speak, the language which they were
teaching; who invented, also, an arbitrary system of pronouncing the
language, which completely separated them from the nation who speak it.
But this is a philological matter on which we have no vocation to enter
here: we only drop a hint for the wise, who are able to inquire and to
conclude for themselves.
We now proceed to business. There are five points connected with the
late Greek Revolution which stand out with a prominent interest at the
present moment.
_First_,—The character, conduct, and position of RUSSIA at the outbreak
of the Revolution.
_Second_,—The character and conduct of the TURKS and the Turkish
government, as displayed by the manner in which the revolt was met.
_Third_,—The character, conduct, and political significance of the GREEK
PEOPLE, as exhibited during the five years’ struggle.
_Fourth_,—The character, conduct, and position of RUSSIA, as more fully
developed at the conclusion of the struggle.
_Fifth_,—The character, conduct, and political significance of the GREEK
PEOPLE, as exhibited since the battle of Navarino and the establishment
of the existing Bavarian dynasty.
On all these points we shall offer a few remarks in the order in which
they are set down.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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