Caesar, Julius; Rome -- History -- Republic, 265-30 B.C.
[Sidenote: March B.C. 49.] Cicero's trials had been great, and were not
diminishing. The account given by Balbus was simply incredible to him.
If Caesar was really as well disposed as Balbus represented, then the
senatorial party, himself included, had acted like a set of madmen. It
might be assumed, therefore, that Caesar was as meanly ambitious, as
selfish, as revolutionary as their fears had represented him, and that
his mildness was merely affectation. But what then? Cicero wished for
himself to be on the right side, but also to be on the safe side.
Pompey's was the right side, the side, that is, which, for his own
sake, he would prefer to see victorious. But was Pompey's the safe
side? or rather, would it be safe to go against him? The necessity for
decision was drawing closer. If Pompey and the consuls went abroad, all
loyal senators would be expected to follow them, and to stay behind
would be held treason. Italy was with Caesar; but the East, with its
treasures, its fleets, its millions of men, this was Pompey's, heart
and soul. The sea was Pompey's. Caesar might win for the moment, but
Pompey might win in the long run. The situation was most perplexing.
Before the fall of Corfinium, Cicero had poured himself out upon it to
his friend. "My connections, personal and political," he said, "attach
me to Pompey. If I stay behind, I desert my noble and admirable
companions, and I fall into the power of a man whom I know not how far
I can trust. He shows in many ways that he wishes me well. I saw the
tempest impending, and I long ago took care to secure his good-will.
But suppose him to be my friend indeed, is it becoming in a good and
valiant citizen, who has held the highest offices and done such
distinguished things, to be in the power of any man? Ought I to expose
myself to the danger, and perhaps disgrace, which would lie before me,
should Pompey recover his position? This on one side; but now look at
the other. Pompey has shown neither conduct nor courage, and he has
acted throughout against my advice and judgment. I pass over his old
errors: how he himself armed this man against the constitution; how he
supported his laws by violence in the face of the auspices; how he gave
him Further Gaul, married his daughter, supported Clodius, helped me
back from exile indeed, but neglected me afterward; how he prolonged
Caesar's command, and backed him up in everything; how in his third
consulship, when he had begun to defend the constitution, he yet moved
the tribunes to curry a resolution for taking Caesar's name in his
absence, and himself sanctioned it by a law of his own; how he resisted
Marcus Marcellus, who would have ended Caesar's government on the 1st
of March. Let us forget all this: but what was ever more disgraceful
than the flight from Rome? What conditions would not have been
preferable? He will restore the constitution, you say, but when? by
what means? Is not Picenum lost? Is not the road open to the city? Is
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