Charles Sumner: his complete works, volume 04 (of 20)Sumner, Charles
History
Charles Sumner: his complete works, volume 04 (of 20)
Sumner, Charles
Slavery -- United States; Speeches, addresses, etc., American
I have been encouraged to believe in the practicability of the District
System by its conformity with reason, and by seeing how naturally
it went into operation under the Constitution of the United States.
But there is a difference between that case and the present. A new
Government was then founded, with new powers, applicable to a broad
expanse of country; but the Constitution of Massachusetts was little
more than a continuation of preëxisting usages and institutions, with
all dependence upon royalty removed. This distinction may help us now.
If the country were absolutely new, without embarrassment from existing
corporate rights,--_claims_ I would rather call them,--it might easily
be arranged according to the most approved theory, as Philadelphia is
said to have been originally laid out on the model of the German city
which its great founder had seen in his travels.[23] But to bring our
existing system into symmetry, and to lay it out anew, would seem to
be a task--at least I am reluctantly led to this conclusion by what I
have heard here--not unlike that of rebuilding Boston, and of shaping
its compact mass of crooked streets into the regular rectangular forms
of the city of Penn. And yet this is not impossible. With each day, by
demolishing ancient houses and widening ancient ways, changes are made
which tend to this result.
[23] Julius, Nordamerikas Sittliche Zustände, Band I. p. 92.
Sir, we must recognize the existing condition of things, remedy all
practical grievances so far as possible, and set our faces towards the
true system. We must act in the Present, but be mindful also of the
Future. There are proper occasions for compromise, as most certainly
there are rights beyond compromise. But the Representative System is an
expedient or device for ascertaining the popular will, and, though well
satisfied that this can be best founded on numbers, I would not venture
to say, in the present light of political science, that the right of
each man to an equal representation, according to the Rule of Three,
and without regard to existing institutions or controlling usages, is
of that inherent and lofty character--like the God-given right to life
or liberty--which admits of no compromise.
* * * * *
Several grievances exist, which will be removed by the proposed
amendments. There is one which I had hoped would disappear, but which
is the necessary incident of corporate representation: I mean the
unwieldy size of the House.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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