“We will not close these considerations without recommending to the readers of the _Siècle_ the eloquent appeal addressed to public opinion by one of the greatest citizens of the United States, Charles Sumner, Chairman of the Committee of Foreign Relations in the American Senate. The French translation of this discourse on the _Foreign Relations of the United States_ has just appeared. He treats here the question of foreign intervention in fact and in right, demonstrates in a victorious manner, according to our opinion, that the South had not the title to be admitted as a belligerent, and considers it impossible that France and England can recognize a political society founded on Slavery. We think to-day the cause gained. Neither the sons of ’89 nor the country of Wilberforce will have this stain on their history.” These various testimonies at home and abroad, where criticism is not wanting, show that Mr. Sumner did not speak in vain. Evidently he obtained a hearing for the national cause. OUR DOMESTIC RELATIONS: POWER OF CONGRESS OVER THE REBEL STATES. ARTICLE IN THE ATLANTIC MONTHLY, OCTOBER, 1863. This argument was prepared as a speech on the resolutions of February 11, 1862, entitled “State Rebellion State Suicide, Emancipation and Reconstruction”; but the tardy success of our arms and the press of business caused its postponement, until, during the recess of Congress, it was thought best to print it as an article in the _Atlantic Monthly_. It was much discussed. Hon. Montgomery Blair, at the time a member of the Cabinet, in a speech at Rockville, Maryland, October 3d, replied to it at length, insisting that it was “the keynote of the revolution,”--“the programme of the movement,”--presenting “the issue on which the Abolition party has resolved to rest its hopes of setting up its domination in this country”; and in opposition to this “programme” he placed “that which is presented by President Lincoln,” alleging that Mr. Sumner had directly arrayed himself against the President on a question of fundamental policy in the conduct of the war. The _National Intelligencer_, at Washington, in an elaborate leader, sustained the position of Mr. Blair. From this time forward, the discussion proceeded in the press, in public meetings, and in Congress, followed by the measures of Reconstruction, including especially the requirement by Congress of the colored suffrage in the reorganization of the Rebels and in their new Constitutions,[175] all of which assumed the power of Congress.