Charles Sumner: his complete works, volume 16 (of 20)Sumner, Charles
History
Charles Sumner: his complete works, volume 16 (of 20)
Sumner, Charles
Slavery -- United States; Speeches, addresses, etc., American
Against this natural conclusion, we have the assumption that a contrary
construction of the National Constitution was established after debate
in 1789. I avoid all details with regard to this debate, cited and
considered so often. I content myself by asking if at best it was
anything but a Congressional construction of the National Constitution,
and, as such, subject to be set aside by another voice from the same
quarter. It was, moreover, a Congressional construction adopted
during the administration of Washington, whose personal character
must have influenced opinion largely; and it prevailed in the House
of Representatives only after earnest debate by a majority of twelve,
and in the Senate only by the casting vote of the Vice-President, John
Adams, who, from position as well as principle, was not inclined to
shear the President of any prerogative. Once adopted, and no strong
necessity for a change occurring, it was allowed to go unaltered, but
not unquestioned. Jurists like Kent and Story, statesmen like Webster,
Clay, Calhoun, and Benton, recorded themselves adversely, and it was
twice reversed by vote of the Senate. This was in 1835 and again in
1836, when a bill passed the Senate, introduced by Mr. Calhoun and
sustained by the ablest statesmen of the time, practically denying the
power of the President.[204] The Tenure-of-Office Act was heralded in
1863 by a statute making the Comptroller of the Currency removable “by
and with the advice and consent of the Senate,”[205]--thus, in this
individual case, asserting for the Senate a check on the President;
and then in 1866, by a more important measure, being the provision
in the Army Appropriation Act,[206] that “no officer in the military
or naval service shall in time of peace be dismissed from service,
except upon and in pursuance of the sentence of a court-martial,”--thus
putting another check on the President. Finally, this Congressional
construction, born of a casting vote, and questioned ever since, has
been overruled by another Congressional construction, twice adopted
in both Houses, first by large majorities on the original passage of
the Tenure-of-Office Act, and then by a vote of two thirds on the
final passage of the same Act over the veto of the President,--and
then again adopted by more than two thirds of the Senate, when the
latter condemned the removal of Mr. Stanton: and all this in the light
of experience, after ample debate, and with all the consequences
before them. Such a Congressional construction must have a controlling
influence, and the fact that it reversed the practice of eighty years
and overcame the disposition to stand on the ancient ways would seem to
increase rather than diminish its weight.
Now mark the consequences. Originally, in 1789, there was a
Congressional construction which in effect made the National
Constitution read,--
“The President _shall have_ the power of removal.”
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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