Undoubtedly, we may lose the opportunity now and then, of obliging
a friend; but on other grounds, I believe there is no member of
the house who will not be ready to abandon the privilege. As to
any notion that honorable gentlemen should retain their privilege
under a penny postage, they must have a more intense appreciation
of the value of money, and a greater disregard for the value of
time, than I can conceive, if they insist on it.
All the peculiarities which distinguish British institutions from our own,
might naturally be expected to make public men in that country more
tenacious of privilege than our own statesmen. In a land of privilege, we
should expect mere privilege to be coveted, because it is privilege. This
practical and harmonious decision of British statesmen, of all parties, in
favor of abolishing the franking privilege, in order to give strength and
consistency to the system of cheap postage, shows in a striking light the
sense which they entertained of the greatness of the object of cheap
postage. The arguments which convinced them, we should naturally suppose
would have tenfold greater force here than there; while the arguments in
favor of the privilege would have tenfold greater influence there than
here. Can there be a doubt that, when the subject is fairly understood,
there will be found as much magnanimity among American as among British
legislators?
The moral evils of the franking system are far more serious than the
pecuniary expense, although that is by no means undeserving of regard. It
is not only an ensnaring prerogative to those who enjoy it, and an anomaly
and incongruity in our republican institutions, but it is an oppressive
burden upon the post-office, which ought to be removed.
The parliamentary committee ascertained, by three distinct calculations,
(of which all the results so nearly agreed as to strengthen each other,)
that, reckoning by numbers, one-ninth of the letters passing through the
post-office in a year, were franked. And, reckoning by weight, the
proportion was 30 per cent. of the whole. Of seven millions of franked
letters and documents, nearly five millions were by members of parliament.
If all the franks had been subject to postage, they would have yielded
upwards of a million sterling yearly. This was after the parliamentary
franks had been restricted to a certain number (ten) daily for each
member, and limited in weight to two ounces. The amount of postage on
parliamentary franks would be yearly £350,000, averaging about £310 to
each member. But there were a number of official persons, whose franks
were not limited, either in number or weight. These franks were obtained
and used, by those who could get them, without stint or scruple.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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