The aim and difficulty of the rebels was to maintain the new ideas
against reverses in the provinces, which had developed few modern
thinkers among the officials, who, like the troops, were looking for
salary first and country afterward. Yuan, the premier-dictator, who had
weighed it all up in Honan, said to himself, according to some southern
critics: “Give me money enough for 100,000 splendid, modern-drilled
northern men, and give me trunk railways. I’ll find men who will fight
for whichever side pays their wages; we must have order, which is
civilization’s first law.” Yuan was a believer in that truism that the
radical reformers do all the work, and bear all the risk of reform, and
that the “standpatters”, the moderate progressives and reactionaries,
enjoy all the fruit and political offices. Differently from Sun, Yuan
wanted office first and influence afterward. He was now active in
soliciting foreign loans, securing $1,000,000 from Russia and Belgium,
and the promise of $30,000,000 from Russia, Belgium and Japan, these
being the pro-Manchu powers, while America and Britain represented
pro-Chinese sympathies. The rebels were just as active in soliciting
private subscriptions in America and the Straits Settlements, and 70
per cent. of the Chinese abroad sent a quarter of their fortunes to Sun
Yat Sen and Wu Ting Fang at Shanghai for the republican cause.
However, it must be admitted that when the Manchus recruited Yuan Shih
Kai, the Honanese, they secured a tower of strength, another Li Hung
Chang, to a large degree a dictator, a believer in money, troops, quick
trial by drumhead, and decapitation, a good servant of any master who
would steadily employ him; a believer in dynasties more than peoples, a
modern progressive but not an idealist or natural republican, a man who
hated the words “turbulent liberty”, but who loved the word “order”; a
statesman more like Diaz, Bismarck or Richelieu than like Washington or
Lincoln. He had never traveled abroad like thousands of other Chinese
officials. He could not speak or read English, and so knew little of
the great documents of liberty and idealism in their first fire of the
original. He knew that he was smashing rapid progress for the second
time, just as he had gone against the reform Manchu emperor, Kwang Hsu,
and the palace reformers from Canton: Kang Yu Wei, Liang Chi Choa,
etc., in 1898, and joined the reactionary “Boxer” dowager empress, Tse
Hsi. He feared the rebel sympathizers might assassinate him, and he
rode as dictator about Peking with a cavalry escort. His headquarters
were in the modern Wai Wu Pu Building, which is fitted with steam
heat, elevators, electric light, etc. There he gave regular interviews
to the foreign press representatives, in emulation of the methods
long practised by Sunyacius and Wu Ting Fang at Shanghai. He made the
Manchus weak, too, for he matched their troops at Peking with his old
Shangtung and Honan territorial troops, man for man. He also sent the
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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