contract, lest it might bias his votes, conscientiously refused to accept any portion of loan or contract; and thus sacrificed his pocket to his principle. When jobbing occurred in the senate, who can wonder at the jobbing in the funds, or at the strong feeling which such contemptible squabbling created, and which fell upon the members of the House of ’Change as fiercely as on the members of the House of Commons? “Such gentry,” said one, “coin disaster to sink the funds without cause. If gospels mended mankind, there should have been a new sermon preached on the mount, since ’Change Alley was built, and money-changers were driven out of the temple all over Europe.” “Ten thousand lies are propagated every week, not only by both sides, but by stock-jobbers. Those grave folks, moneyed citizens, contribute exceedingly to embroil and confound history, which was not very authentic before they were spawned.” Lord Chatham was not backward in expressing an opinion of those whom he designated “the cannibals of ’Change Alley.” “To me, my Lords,” he once said, “whether they be miserable jobbers of ’Change Alley, or the lofty Asiatic plunderers of Leadenhall Street, they are equally detestable.” The same strong feeling animated him when he was told that one of his measures had caused a decline in the stocks. “When the funds are falling, we may be sure the credit of the country is rising.” A finer spirit—and that spirit is the principle which has pervaded the whole public transactions of England—was evinced when the same nobleman was advised to retaliate on the Dutch merchants,—who had committed several outrageous frauds on the English,—by seizing their immense property in our funds. “If the Devil himself had money there,” he replied, “it must rest secure.” To his Lordship, and to the political assertion he made, that “not a gun should be fired in Europe without England knowing why,” it was of the utmost importance that the integrity of the nation should be maintained. During the American war, many of those in arms had property in the funds; and the provinces, as bodies corporate, had money in the same securities. It is to the credit of the revolutionists, that, though they fully expected this property would be confiscated, they persisted in their course; and it is equally to the credit of England, that their capital was as secure, and their interest as regularly paid, as if they were not in open rebellion.