Constitutional history -- United States; United States -- Politics and government; United States. Constitution. 18th Amendment
And then we hear Dr. Jarvis: “Mr. President, I cannot suffer the
present Article to be passed, without rising to express my entire and
perfect approbation of it. Whatever may have been my private opinion of
any other part, or whatever faults or imperfections I have remarked,
or fancied I have seen, in any other instance, here, sir, I have found
complete satisfaction: this has been a resting place, on which I have
reposed myself in the fullest security, whenever a doubt has occurred,
in considering any other passage in the proposed Constitution. The
honorable gentleman last speaking has called upon those persons who
are opposed to our receiving the present system, to show another
government, in which such _a wise precaution_ has been taken to secure
to the _people_ the right of making such alterations and amendments,
in a peaceable way, as experience shall have proved to be necessary.
Allow me to say, sir, as far as the narrow limits of my own information
extend, I know of no such example. In other countries, sir,--unhappily
for mankind,--the history of their respective revolutions has been
written in blood; and it is in this only that any great or important
change in our political situation has been effected, without public
commotions. When we shall have adopted the Constitution before us, we
shall have in this Article an adequate provision for all the purposes
of political reformation. If, in the course of its operation, this
government shall appear to be too severe, here are the means by which
this severity may be assuaged and corrected.... _We_ have united
against the British; _we_ have united in calling the late federal
convention; and _we_ may certainly unite again in such alterations as
in reason shall appear to be important for the peace and happiness of
America.” (2 _Ell. Deb._ 116.)
No man ever voiced such sentiments, no conventions of Americans ever
listened to them, with any knowledge or thought that the Fifth Article,
“the wise precaution” to secure the liberty of the individual if the
government with the national powers of the First Article oppressed that
liberty, was itself a grant to another government, ten legislatures
outside of the Massachusetts in which that convention was held, to
infringe upon the individual liberty of every American in Massachusetts
on every subject without any constitutional restraint.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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