To the “constitutional” lawyers who make this challenge, to all who support such challenge, we commend many hours’ study of the statements of Madison, who wrote the Fifth Article; of Hamilton, who supported its introduction at Philadelphia; of Wilson, Pendleton, Henry, Iredell, MacLaine, Jarvis, Lee, Mason, and the many others, with whom we have sat in the “conventions” which made the Fifth Article. Particularly do we commend a careful reading of the reasoning which led to the decision at Philadelphia, in 1787, that the First Article, _because it constituted government of men_, _must_ go to the “conventions” named alike in the Seventh and the Fifth Articles and could not be validly made by the state “legislatures” named in the Fifth Article. That decision was based upon the unrepealed Statute of 1776, a statute well understood in 1787, only eleven years after the Statute itself had been enacted as the command of the whole American people. Finally, to those who support this fourth challenge, we commend a thorough reading of the law laid down by Marshall in the Supreme Court. If they thus educate themselves as we have educated ourselves, they will be able to say with Marshall: “To the formation of a league, such as was the Confederation, the state sovereignties were certainly competent. But when, ‘in order to form a more perfect Union,’ it was deemed necessary to change this alliance into an effective government possessing great and sovereign power and acting directly on the people, the necessity of referring it to the people and of deriving its power directly from them, _was felt and acknowledged by all_.” And, if all shall complete their education with such men as Webster and Lincoln, they will never again make the mistake of ignoring the vital and important distinction in identity between “state legislatures” and “conventions” of the American citizens, the distinction that the former are never anything but governments and each the government agent of the citizens _of one state_, while the “conventions” are the citizens of America itself assembled in “conventions” to issue their commands to themselves, to their government, to the states and to the state governments. The completed education will enable these lawyers to win future litigation against legislative governments who audaciously attempt to usurp the exclusive and reserved powers of the “conventions” of the American citizens. In any of the three challenges negatived by the first, second and fourth conclusions of the Supreme Court, we have failed to find any suggestion of _our_ challenge, namely, that state “legislatures” have audaciously attempted to usurp the exclusive powers reserved to the “conventions” which are named in the Fifth Article.