Clemenceau, the Man and His TimeHyndman, H. M. (Henry Mayers)
History
Clemenceau, the Man and His Time
Hyndman, H. M. (Henry Mayers)
Clemenceau, Georges, 1841-1929; France -- Politics and government -- 1870-1940
It is this impatience of Paris with results already achieved, this
desire to reach out and to embrace new forms in all departments of
human achievement, which give the French city her position as an
indispensable entity in the cosmos of modern life. "Boldness and
boldness and boldness again" was Danton's prescription for the orator,
and it might be taken as the motto of intellectual and artistic Paris.
There is no hesitation, no contentment, no waiting by the wayside. New
ideas and new conceptions must ever be replacing the old. Experience
may teach what to avoid: experiment alone can teach what to attempt.
And this not incidentally or as a passing phase of endeavour, but as a
principle to be applied in every region of human effort. "The Rights
of Man," "Liberty, Equality, Fraternity," "Property is robbery" are
as thought-provoking (though they solve no problem) in the domain
of sociology as Pasteur's achievements in physiology and medicine.
Whatever changes the future may have in store for us, we who are not
Frenchmen cannot dispense with the leadership and inspiration that come
to us from Paris.
On his return to France from America Clemenceau renewed his
acquaintance and friendship with those who shared his political
and social opinions, especially Etienne Arago, now an old man, and
practised as a doctor in the working-class district of Montmartre.
Here, by his gratuitous medical advice to the people and his steady
adherence to his democratic principles, he gained an amount of
popularity and personal devotion from the men and women of Montmartre
which, in conjunction with Arago's advice and support, prepared the way
for the positions which he afterwards attained. Meanwhile the Second
Empire was going slowly downhill. The change which had already taken
place was not generally recognised. Nevertheless, the failure of the
ill-fated Mexican Expedition with its Catholic support, its sordid
financial muddling and the degrading system of plunder carried on in
Mexico itself by Marshal Bazaine, the effect on Paris of the murder of
Victor Noir by a member of the Buonaparte family, and the Government's
growing incapacity to handle domestic and foreign affairs all told
against the prestige of Napoleon. Only a successful diplomatic stroke
or a victorious war could rehabilitate the credit of the Empire. The
time had gone by for either. Bismarck's disgraceful forgery at Ems was
as unnecessary as it was flagitious. Sooner or later the Second Empire
would have collapsed from its own incompetence. But that waiting game
did not suit the grim statesman of Berlin. He knew that the French army
by itself could not hold its own against the Prussian and other German
forces; he felt convinced also that Austria would not move without
much clearer assurances of success than Napoleon could supply; while
Italy was still tied to her Ally of 1866, and England was devoted to
a policy of profitable non-intervention. So Napoleon was half driven,
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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