The next important question is the relation of the clan to the
fraternities. Kroeber says that the one is social, and the other
religious. Certain fraternities are widely distributed, and he has
established for Zuñi, as Mrs. Stevenson did for Sía, that membership is
voluntary, not clan-controlled, but follows blood or marriage connection.
It is apparently true that in “certain cases succession to office in
fraternities does depend on clanship.”[145] This is rather different from
the situation in the Hopi pueblos, where the fraternities are at least
definitely associated in the native mind with the clans of the same name.
The function of the fraternities consists mainly in medicine-giving and
in jugglery; though they take part in some of the communal ceremonies,
they have no masked representations of deities, nor do they exercise
their powers primarily for the bringing of rain. They have no right to
the _kivas_, their meeting-place being in the front rooms of houses; they
have official heads, but no priests.
At Sía and presumably at Ácoma, the Koshare and the Cuiranná form one
fraternity whose duty it is to guide and attend the K’at’sina in their
masked dances. At Zuñi the clan is then a body of
mildly social type, with prevailing if not important
ritualistic functions,—those being exercised by individuals
in virtue of their clan-membership, and never by the clan
as a body.... Clans, fraternities, priesthoods, _kivas_,
gaming-parties, are all dividing agencies, but by countering
each other they cause segmentations which produce marvellous
complexity, but never break national entity apart.[146]
Certain other complexities of strain have arisen through the coming in to
the pueblo of women from other nations. One Zuñi governor married a woman
from the Cherokee Wolf clan, and as a matter of course she was received
into their Coyote clan. In two or three generations it will be forgotten
that her descendants were ever anything but Zuñi. Our author admits that
the social fabric of Zuñi may be more closely knit than some others, but
is of the opinion that all Southwestern tribes are so intimate that what
is true of one may be predicated of the rest.
At bottom, all Pueblo government is theocratic. Civil officers are chosen
and may be deposed by certain priesthoods which are clan-associated.
However great the divergence of opinion during the choice of candidates,
no decision may be announced until a complete unanimity is agreed
upon. The civil government is chiefly concerned with property, and
equities in material things, individual or communal. The governor and
lieutenant-governor must be of different clans, and, theoretically at any
rate, so also are their aids. Certain officials serve only one year at a
time, and as there is a general disposition to give equal representation
in public affairs to each clan, such diffusion of power tends toward a
community thoroughly welded together.
According to Kroeber,
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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