Considerations on Religion and Public Education: With remarks on the speech of M. Dupont delivered in the National Convention of France, together with an address to the ladies, &c. of Great Britain and IrelandMore, Hannah
Religion
Considerations on Religion and Public Education: With remarks on the speech of M. Dupont delivered in the National Convention of France, together with an address to the ladies, &c. of Great Britain and Ireland
More, Hannah
Catholic Church -- England -- Clergy -- History -- 18th century; Christianity and politics -- History -- 18th century; Dupont, Jacob, 1755-1813; French -- England -- History -- 18th century; Immigrants -- England -- History -- 18th century; Women -- Great Britain -- Conduct of life
But though this is readily granted, and though it may be unfair to blame
those who in the _first outset_ of the French Revolution, rejoiced even
on religious motives; yet it is astonishing, how any pious person, even
with all the blinding power of prejudice, can think without horror of
the _present_ state of France. It is no less wonderful how any rational
man could, even in the beginning of the Revolution; transfer that
reasoning, however just it might be, when applied to France, to the case
of England. For what can be more unreasonable, than to draw from
different, and even opposite premises, the same conclusion? Must a
revolution be equally necessary in the case of two sorts of Government,
and two sorts of Religion, which are the very reverse of each other?
opposite in their genius, unlike in their fundamental principles, and
widely different in each of their component parts.
That despotism, priestcraft, intolerance, and superstition, are terrible
evils, no candid Christian it is presumed will deny; but, blessed be
God, though these mischiefs are not yet entirely banished from the face
of the earth, they have scarcely any existence in this country.
To guard against a real danger, and to cure actual abuses, of which the
existence has been first plainly proved, by the application of a
suitable remedy, requires diligence as well as courage; observation as
well as genius; patience and temperance as well as zeal and spirit. It
requires the union of that clear head and sound heart which constitute
the true patriot. But to conjure up fancied evils, or even greatly to
aggravate real ones, and then to exhaust our labour in combating them,
is the characteristic of a distempered imagination and an ungoverned
spirit.
Romantic crusades, the ordeal trial, drowning of witches, the torture,
and the Inquisition, have been justly reprobated as the foulest stain of
the respective periods, in which, to the disgrace of human reason, they
existed; but would any man be rationally employed, who should now stand
up gravely to declaim against these as the predominating mischiefs of
the present century? Even the whimsical Knight of La Mancha himself,
would not fight wind mills that were pulled down; yet I will venture to
say, that the above named evils are at present little more chimerical
than some of those now so bitterly complained of among us. It is not, as
Dryden said, when one of his works was unmercifully abused, that the
piece has not faults enough in it, but the critics have not had the wit
to fix upon the right ones.
It is allowed that, as a nation, we have faults enough, but our
political critics err in the objects of their censure. They say little
of those real and pressing evils resulting from our own corruption,
which constitute the actual miseries of life; while they gloomily
speculate upon a thousand imaginary political grievances, and fancy that
the reformation of our rulers and our legislators is all that is wanting
to make us a happy people.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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