It may be laid down as a principle of fairly general applicability that political corruption as such is disadvantageous to the party organisation permitting it. From a purely tactical point of view it would be the extreme of bad party management to tolerate loose conditions under which a large number of officials could graft freely on their own account and place the entire proceeds in their own pockets. Whether they confined themselves to auto-corruption or accepted bribes singly or in combinations the case would not be materially altered. A day of reckoning at the polls would surely come, and it would find the party treasury unprovided with the means of defence. Yet conditions of this character prevailed pretty generally prior to the advent of strongly centralised political machines. Corruption was extremely diffuse, personal responsibility for it widely scattered, party responsibility not so clear. Manipulation required whole corps of lobbyists, “third houses,” “black horse cavalry,” and the like. Under present conditions the party organisation with strongly centralised management has a direct interest in limiting corruption and also in seeing that contributions which arise from such practices as it tolerates actually flow into the party war chest. Corruption in purely selfish interest becomes treachery to the party as well as treachery to the state. Of course even under strong centralised and permanent party control cases of auto-corruption still occur, and at times officials receive bribes without turning in their quotas. If so, however, it may fairly be presumed that they make their peace with the organisation in other ways. They may be exempt from paying tribute, but they are nevertheless obliged to deliver votes or influence. Many sins are laid at the door of the machine. It has at least the advantage of enabling us to centralise responsibility for all corrupt practices which occur under its management. From this point of view one may undertake an outline of the form of corruption connected with political control. All the preceding forms of political corruption may be considered the obverse, this is the reverse of the die. None of the practices earlier considered can be carried on without danger; the corruption of political control is the crooked means of avoiding the cumulative effects of these practices. It is not popular, it is not good politics even in the narrowest practical acceptance of that term, for a political organisation to grant corrupt favours to business, to wink at the violation of the law by vice, to allow its partisans in office to sell government property cheap and buy government supplies dear. If any of these things are permitted the organisation, like the common criminal, must take care to lay aside “fall money” against a day of trial.