Corruption in American politics and lifeBrooks, Robert C. (Robert Clarkson)
History
Corruption in American politics and life
Brooks, Robert C. (Robert Clarkson)
Political corruption -- United States; United States -- Social conditions -- 1865-1918
One might feel greater confidence in the restraining influence of
party centralisation were it not for the fact that the more dangerous
to party success are the forms of corruption which an organisation
tolerates the more lucrative they are apt to be. Though its sins be as
scarlet still they produce funds sufficient to buy indulgences and to
leave a handsome profit over. In connection with business regulation,
for example, bribery in any considerable amount is not possible until
legislation is enacted or close at hand. And legislation of this
kind is not likely to be passed or threatened unless a strong public
sentiment demands action. Political manipulation which attempts to
frustrate regulation at such a juncture must sooner or later prepare
itself to reckon with the public sentiment which it has flouted. Vice
cannot be tolerated except in contravention of laws against it, and to
do so means to offend the moral sentiment in the community which placed
such laws on the statute books. Franchise grabbing is not profitable
on a large scale until the experience of earlier public service
corporations has impressed upon the public mind the great value of
such grants. If, nevertheless, grabs are permitted by the machine,
the boodle must be sufficient to pay both for the personal services
involved and to repair any resulting damage to party prestige at the
next election. Of course many citizens are apathetic with regard to
such abuses or even ignorant of their existence, and there are others
who are so involved in corrupt practices, particularly in connection
with tax dodging, meter fixing, and the protection of vice, that they
feel themselves allied in interest with the party organisation and
accordingly vote its ticket. Always, however, there is a contingent,
and frequently it is large enough to hold the balance of power, which
is neither ignorant nor apathetic, and which, although perhaps too
quiescent ordinarily, will rise in revolt against any organisation
which grafts too boldly and too widely.
The situation of the venal machine is, therefore, substantially this:
more money can be obtained at any time if certain practices dangerous
from the point of view of party expediency are tolerated. If they are
tolerated greater expenditures of money and of other party resources
must be made when the final accounting with public sentiment takes
place. To put the matter in another way: the forms of political
corruption earlier described, _i.e_., corruption in connection with the
regulation of business and of vice and corruption in connection with
the buying and selling operations of the state, are for the most part
sources of income, whereas corruption in the form of political control
is mainly expenditure. Under George III., according to Mr. Dorman B.
Eaton, a “Patronage Secretary of the Treasury” was appointed
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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