Corruption in American politics and lifeBrooks, Robert C. (Robert Clarkson)
History
Corruption in American politics and life
Brooks, Robert C. (Robert Clarkson)
Political corruption -- United States; United States -- Social conditions -- 1865-1918
Ordinarily this argument stops with the consideration of spending
alone. It may be strengthened somewhat by bringing in the reaction
of consumption upon production. A great city prides itself upon its
ceaseless rush and gaiety, its bright lights and crowded streets,
its numerous places of amusement and all the evidences of material
prosperity and pleasure. These may be held to be enhanced when both
licit and illicit pursuits and diversions are open to its people; and
further, the people themselves, under the attraction of such varied
allurements, may strive to produce more that they may enjoy more. In
the Philippines, it is said that the only labourers who can be relied
upon to stick to their work any considerable length of time are those
who have caught the gambling and cock-fighting mania. Under tropical
conditions a little intermittent labour easily supplies the few needs
of others, whereas the devotee of chance, driven by a consuming
passion, works steadily. In the present state of a fallen humanity
there are presumably many persons of similar character living under
our own higher civilisation.
Strong as is the hold which the foregoing considerations have obtained
upon certain limited sections of the business community it is not
difficult to criticise them upon purely economic grounds. Of two
neighbouring towns, one “wide-open” and the other law-abiding, the
former might, indeed, prove more successful in a business way. But
we have to consider not simply the material advantage in the case of
two rival cities. The material welfare of the state as a whole is of
greater importance, and it would be impossible to show that this was
enhanced by corruptly tolerating gambling and vice anywhere within
its territory. On the contrary, economists have abundantly shown the
harmful effects of such practices, even when no taint of illegality
attaches to them. What the “wide-open” community gains over its rival
is much more than offset by what the state as a whole loses. Moreover,
it may well be doubted whether the purely economic advantage of the
“wide-open” city is solid and permanent. Even those of its business men
who are engaged in legitimate pursuits are constant sufferers from the
general neglect of administrative duty, and sometimes even from the
extortionate practices, of its corrupt government. They may consider it
to their advantage to have gambling and vice tolerated, but only within
limits. If such abuses become too open and rampant legitimate business
is certain to suffer, both because of the losses and distractions
suffered by the worse element in the community and because of the fear
and avoidance which the prevalence of vicious conditions inspires in
the better classes. Indeed cases are by no means uncommon where the
better business element has risen in protest against lax and presumably
corrupt police methods which permitted vice to flaunt itself so boldly
on retail thoroughfares that respectable women became afraid to venture
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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