Corruption in American politics and lifeBrooks, Robert C. (Robert Clarkson)
History
Corruption in American politics and life
Brooks, Robert C. (Robert Clarkson)
Political corruption -- United States; United States -- Social conditions -- 1865-1918
upon them. There remain, of course, the expedients of confining illicit
practices to certain districts of the city, or of nicely restraining
them so that, while permitting indulgence to those who desire it, they
do not unduly offend the moral element in the community. But such
delicate adjustments are difficult to maintain, since vice and gambling
naturally seek to extend their field and their profits and, within
pretty generous limits, can readily afford to make it worth while for a
corrupt city administration to permit them to do so. And even if they
are kept satisfactorily within bounds, the state as a whole, if not
the particular community, must suffer from their pernicious economic
consequences.
It has been thought worth while to go at some length into the criticism
on purely economic grounds of the argument that corruption makes
business good; first, because the argument itself is primarily economic
in character, and secondly, because its tacit acceptance by certain
hard-headed business men might lead to the belief that its refutation
on material grounds was impossible. A broad view of the economic
welfare of the state as a whole and business in all its forms leads,
as we have seen, to the opposite conviction. And this conviction that
corruption does _not_ make business good in any solid and permanent way
is greatly strengthened when moral and political, as well as financial,
values are thrown into the scale. It is not necessary to recite in
detail the ethical argument against gambling and vice in order to
strengthen this point. The general duty of the state to protect the
lives and health and morals of its people, even at great financial
sacrifice if necessary, is beyond question. There is a possibility,
as Professor Goodnow maintains,[3] that in the United States we have
gone too far in attempting to suppress by police power things that are
simply vicious, as distinguished from crimes; but however this may
be, some regulation or repression of vice is always necessary. The
real point here is that, having once drawn the line, the bribery of
officials shall not be resorted to in order that vice may be permitted
to flourish in certain localities. In such cases the state suffers not
only from the effects of the vice but also from the disregard into
which the whole fabric of law falls because of the failure to enforce
it in part.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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