And Labour had ever been the sacred trust of the Church. Divorce Labour from religion, and the State falls. It had been the fault of the Church herself that Labour had gone out of history, as it were, and crossed over to a more primitive form of true religious fervour under the Methodist revival; but the Church alone, as a national growth, could hope, if true to its high destinies, for the preservation of the great mass of the populace from the disruptive elements of unbelief. The Church, too, was the natural educator of the people. True, Manners’s Anglicanism was that of Laud; true, also, to that name he rhymes “adored.” But it is also true that the whole brotherhood felt that if the Church, and through it the State, was to be quickened, it must revert, like the State, to its origin; it must no more be regarded merely as an endowed official or as a consecrated police, but as a divine institution. Moreover, Disraeli also regarded the English Church as the special protectress of popular liberties. I shall return to this subject in its proper place hereafter; but I may here add that these convictions of “Young England” were vehemently advocated by Disraeli in his speeches on the Irish Church more than twenty years after the “Young England” brotherhood came to an end. Disraeli always urged the immense importance of parochial life as even greater than political. Had the higher classes understood “the order of the peasantry,” ricks and dwellings would not have been burned down in the ’thirties. In advocating the claims of ancient country-side customs, he raised the plea of humanising ceremony--one certainly cherished by the upper classes for themselves. The people would not, it is true, be “fed” by morris revelries, and they starved equally without them.