It is almost inconceivable that Germany could have doubted what our decision would be. We acted involuntarily and instinctively. There was unanimity in the press and in Parliament. We did not think of degrees of obligation or conditions of alliance. In Quebec there was rejoicing over the compact between Britain and France, while in the English provinces we saw national and Imperial value in a union of French and English, in defence of free institutions. We believed that through the common sacrifices of war would come that happy understanding between the races in Canada which has been the aspiration of Canadian patriots for a century. We took deep satisfaction in the prospect that France, in alliance with Britain, would emerge from a long humiliation with the “lost provinces” recovered and the ancient national dignity restored. Hence we said to the mother country as Jehoshaphat said to the King of Israel, “I am as thou art and my people as thy people and we will be with thee in the war.” For her as for us the choice was between sacrifice and dishonor, and when these are the conditions honor and sacrifice are the immemorial obligation and inheritance of the British people. VI. No one foresaw the duration or the magnitude of the conflict. Armageddon was a vision of poets and prophets. The 20th century, inspired by enthusiasts and instructed by economists, believed that the world had grown soft and “practical.” We were told that war lords were legendary figures of an evil past. It was a common belief that no nation could command the resources for a long struggle. It was said that finance and commerce, interlocked and internationalized, would compel a speedy cessation of hostilities by exhaustion of the combatants. We were assured that the industrial armies of the workshops could not be mobilized for mutual destruction. To the few who were wiser we would not listen. Possibly much of their wisdom was rooted in apprehension and suspicion. There never was so much of mercy and charity and goodwill and brotherhood among men as during the first years of the century. We had the Hague tribunal and treaties of arbitration. We had international law and worldwide organizations for the common protection and enrichment of mankind. It is not strange, therefore, if men believed that there was a happy prospect of enduring peace or if there was general impatience with those who spoke of war and preparation for war. VII.