English essays -- 20th century; Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1901-1910
In spite of the unfortunate prevalence of the sort of sentimentalism
referred to above, there have always been in the socialist movement
witnesses to the common-sense view of militarism. Here and there
throughout this volume I have been obliged to criticize the attitude
of the Social Democratic Federation; I therefore admit the more gladly
that on this question that body has indubitably led the way. Its views
are obtainable in the form of a remarkably able pamphlet[2] from
the pen of Mr. Quelch, wherein the old Liberal Quakerism is thrown
completely overboard and the institution of universal citizen service
on something like the Swiss model put forward as the socialist solution
of the problem of national defence. The Fabians followed in “Fabianism
and the Empire,”[3] adopting a suggestion of Mr. and Mrs. Sidney Webb’s
that the half-time age in factories and workshops should be raised to
21, and the time thus gained devoted to training in the use of modern
weapons. Finally there is Mr. Robert Blatchford, whose plan is too
elaborate to be detailed here--I refer my readers to his articles in
the _Clarion_ during July, August and September last year and to his
forthcoming book on the subject--but whose cardinal demand is for an
immense increase in the numbers and efficiency of the volunteers, who
are to form a citizen force of almost national dimensions. Of course
the Fabian programme and, I gather, Mr. Blatchford’s also imply the
existence of at any rate a small professional army in addition.
Now it seems to me that the one defect of the S.D.F. plan is that,
if I understand Mr. Quelch’s pamphlet rightly, it professes only to
provide a militia for the defence of these islands. That is to say it
does not provide for the defence of our possessions in different parts
of the world nor for any aggressive movement against the territory of
the power with which we chance to be at war; while even for purely
defensive purposes it is open to the grave military objections which
can always be urged against relying solely on irregular troops.
I have already discussed the question of Imperialism and I need not
go into it again. But I suppose that all but the most fanatical
Little-Englanders, whatever their views on expansion, would admit that
it is both our right and our duty to assist in the protection of our
fellow-citizens in other parts of the world against unprovoked attack.
If, for example, Germany were to make a wanton attack on Australia, or
Russia on India, or the United States on Canada, I suppose that every
sensible Englishman would admit that we ought to come to the assistance
of our fellow-countrymen. But in that case we shall want an army for
foreign service as well as for home defence.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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