History of the United States of America, Volume 4 (of 9) : $b During the second administration of Thomas JeffersonAdams, Henry
History
History of the United States of America, Volume 4 (of 9) : $b During the second administration of Thomas Jefferson
Adams, Henry
United States -- History -- 1801-1809; United States -- History -- 1809-1817
Saturday, January 16, before meeting Senator Pickering at dinner, Rose
had delicately explained to Madison that the President’s “Chesapeake”
proclamation was likely to prove a stumbling-block. In conversations
which consumed another week he urged its withdrawal, while Madison
replied that the exclusion of British ships was not a punishment but
a precaution, that the “Leopard’s” attack was but one of its causes,
and that it was a measure taken in the interests of peace. Argument
against Canning’s positive instructions answered no purpose. Rose could
not give way, and when he had been one week in Washington, January 21,
the negotiation was already at a stand-still. There it would under any
other Administration have been permitted to remain. Rose had come to
offer an apology and to restore the captured seamen. He had only to do
this and go home.
Rose, after an interview with the Secretary of State about January 21,
waited until January 27 before writing to Canning. Then he resumed his
story:[146]--
“Within a few hours after my last conference with Mr. Madison, an
indirect and confidential communication was made to me from one of
the members of the Government to the following purport: that the real
difficulty as to the recall of the proclamation was that of finding
grounds upon which the President could found his declared motives for
such a measure without exposing himself to the charge of inconsistency
and disregard of the national honor, and without compromising his
own personal weight in the State; that it was earnestly wished that
I could make, as it were, a bridge over which he might pass; and
that I would develop just so much of the tenor of my instructions
as to the conditions of reparation as might justify him in the
course which I required should be taken; that should however this
be impossible, and should the negotiation fail, the United States
would not commence war with Great Britain, but would continue their
Embargo, and adopting a sort of Chinese policy would shut themselves
up from the rest of the world; that if we attacked them they would
sally out just far enough to repel us, and would invade Canada....
Communications of a similar nature were repeated to me on subsequent
days; and it did not seem advisable to address Mr. Madison in writing
until the utmost point to which they would go was ascertained. At
length I had a conversation with the gentleman in question. He avowed
to me that what had passed was with the knowledge of the President,
whose difficulty arose from the sacrifice of public opinion which he
apprehended must follow from the abandonment of the proclamation. He
said I must be aware how dear to Mr. Jefferson his popularity must be,
and especially at the close of his political career, and that this
consideration must be held particularly in view by him; and he pressed
me earnestly to take such steps as would conciliate the President’s
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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