History of the United States of America, Volume 4 (of 9) : $b During the second administration of Thomas Jefferson — John Shaqi
History of the United States of America, Volume 4 (of 9) : $b During the second administration of Thomas JeffersonAdams, Henry
History
History of the United States of America, Volume 4 (of 9) : $b During the second administration of Thomas Jefferson
Adams, Henry
United States -- History -- 1801-1809; United States -- History -- 1809-1817
In reply Perceval drew up a paper of suggestions[62] for the use of
the Cabinet, dealing first with the justice, next with the policy of
retaliation. Of its justice as against France he thought there could be
no doubt, while Lord Howick’s order had already asserted the principle
as against neutrals, even before it could be known whether neutrals
would retaliate on their own account; but apart from this precedent,
“the injury which neutrals sustain is consequential; the measure is
not adopted with a view to injure the neutrals, but to injure the
enemy.” Perhaps Perceval felt that this argument might lead too far,
and that on such a doctrine England might appropriate the world on
every declaration of war; for in the next paragraph he pleaded the
particular war in which England was actually engaged as his warranty:--
“When an enemy arises who declares to all the world that he will
trample upon the law of nations, and hold at nought all the privileges
of neutral nations when they do not suit his belligerent interests;
and when by the great extent of his power he is enabled in great
measure to act up to his declaration,--it is evident that if those
Powers with which he is at war should continue to hold themselves
bound to rules and obligations of which he will not acknowledge the
force, they cannot carry on the contest on equal terms. And the
neutral who would control their hostility by those rules and laws
which their enemy refuses to recognize, and which such neutral does
not compel that enemy to observe, ceases to be a neutral by ceasing
to observe that impartiality which is the very life and soul of
neutrality.”
This allegation differed from the first. Perceval began by maintaining
that England possessed a right, if she chose, to suppress the existence
of America or of any other neutral, provided the suppression were
consequential on an intent to injure France. He next argued that the
existence of America might be equally suppressed because she had not
yet succeeded in compelling France to observe neutral privileges,
which so far as she was concerned had not been violated. If these two
propositions were worth making, they should have settled the question.
Yet Perceval was not satisfied; he took a third ground:--
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