History of the United States of America, Volume 4 (of 9) : $b During the second administration of Thomas JeffersonAdams, Henry
History
History of the United States of America, Volume 4 (of 9) : $b During the second administration of Thomas Jefferson
Adams, Henry
United States -- History -- 1801-1809; United States -- History -- 1809-1817
“This question, however, need not now be argued to the extent which
was necessary to justify the assertion of the late Government; because
whatever might be the doubts upon it when the decree of France first
issued, and before it was known to what extent neutrals would resist
or acquiesce in it, since those neutrals have acquiesced in it, or at
least have not resisted or resented it to the extent of obtaining a
formal recall of the decree and an open renunciation of the principle
which dictated it, nor the abandonment of the practices which flow
from it,--they by their acquiescence and submission have given to
Great Britain a right to expect from them (when her interests require
the exertion of measures of correspondent efficacy) a forbearance
similar to that which they have shown toward her enemy.”
If Perceval’s two opening premises gave a strange idea of English
statesmanship, his third was little creditable to the English
bar. He took the ground that England might do what she would with
American commerce, because America, whatever effort she might have
made, had not already forced Napoleon to recall a decree from the
application of which the United States notoriously had till within
six weeks been exempted. Lord Castlereagh’s doctrine that America’s
exemption aggravated her offence was a wide-minded argument by the
side of Perceval’s assertion that America’s acquiescence was proved
by the French decree itself. Considering that America had in this
sense acquiesced in Sir William Scott’s decisions and the wholesale
confiscation of her commerce, in the impressment of her native
citizens and their compulsory service in the British navy, in the
blockade of New York, in Fox’s paper blockade of the German coast, in
Lord Howick’s Order in Council, and perhaps even in the “Chesapeake”
outrage,--Perceval’s argument must have seemed convincing to Napoleon,
if not to President Jefferson. If the law of nations thus laid down was
sound, the continued presence of American citizens in British ships of
war was alone sufficient proof of American acquiescence in impressment
to warrant Napoleon in acting without regard to neutral rights. From
a neutral or French point of view Perceval’s reasoning not only
conceded the legality of the Berlin Decree, but barred his own right of
retaliation, since England, as the first and worst offender, could not
properly profit by her own misdeeds.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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