Women -- Suffrage -- History; Women -- Suffrage -- United States -- History; Women's rights -- History; Women's rights -- United States -- History
The argument that women do not want to vote is no argument at
all, because if the right to vote is conferred upon them they can
exercise it or not, as they choose. It is not a compulsory
exercise of power on their part. But I think that argument is
partly disproved by the Convention to which the Senator from
Pennsylvania referred yesterday, whose arguments he said were
worthy of consideration even in this Chamber. I think they are,
and I think it would be very difficult for any one in this
Chamber to disprove them. Nor is it a fair statement of the case
to say that the man represents the woman in the exercise of
suffrage, because it is an assumption on the part of the man; it
is an involuntary representation so far as the woman is
concerned. Representation implies a certain delegated power, and
a certain responsibility on the part of the representative toward
the party represented. A representation to which the represented
party does not assent is no representation at all, but is adding
insult to injury. When the American Colonies complained that they
ought not to be taxed unless they were represented in the British
Parliament, it would have been rather a singular answer to tell
them that they were represented by Lord North, or even by the
Earl of Chatham. The gentlemen on the other side of the Chamber
who say that the States lately in rebellion are entitled to
immediate representation in this Chamber would hardly be
satisfied if we should tell them that my friend from
Massachusetts represented South Carolina, and my friend from
Michigan represented Alabama. They would hardly be satisfied, I
think, with that kind of representation.
Nor have we any more right to assume that the women are satisfied
with the representation of the men. Where has been the assembly
at which this right of representation was conferred? Where was
the compact made? What were the conditions? It is wholly an
assumption. A woman is a member of a manufacturing corporation;
she is a stockholder in a bank; she is a shareholder in a
railroad company; she attends all those meetings in person or by
proxy, and she votes, and her vote is received. Suppose a woman
offering to vote at a meeting of a railroad corporation should be
told by one of the men "we represent you, you can not vote," it
would be precisely the argument that is now used--that men
represent the women in the exercise of the elective franchise. A
woman pays a large tax, and the man who drives her coach, the man
who waits upon her table, goes to the polls and decides how much
of her property shall go to support the public expenses, and what
shall be done with it. She has no voice in the matter whatever;
she is taxed without representation.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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