Independence Day : $b its celebration, spirit and significance as related in prose and verse
History
Independence Day : $b its celebration, spirit and significance as related in prose and verse
Fourth of July -- Poetry; Fourth of July celebrations; Fourth of July orations
“I cannot feel satisfied with any description of the Revolution which
treats the desire for independence as a sudden thought, and not a long
growth and development, or which assumes that every detail of the conduct
of the British government was absurdly stupid, even from its own point of
view, and that the loyalists were few in numbers and their arguments not
worth considering....
“The historians seem to have assumed that we do not want to know about
that controversy” (over Gen. Howe’s lenient methods), “or that it will
be better for us not to know about it. They have assumed that it will
be better for Americans to think that independence was a sudden and
deplorable necessity and not a desire of long and ardent growth and
cautiously planned intention. They have assumed that we want to think of
England as having lost the colonies by failure to be conciliatory, and
that the Revolution was a one-sided, smooth affair, without any of the
difficulties or terrors of a rebellion or a great upheaval of settled
opinion.”
There can be small doubt that when this true inner history of our
independence becomes generally known it will do much to mitigate the
blind, provincial spread-eagleism that still clings to even our safest
and sanest celebrations of the Fourth and that has so ably thwarted every
motion toward fraternal intimacy between the two great branches of the
Anglo-Saxon race. The following[3] paragraph is fairly typical of the
British attitude toward the celebration of our national birthday.
“Where a country or a government has been baffled in its efforts
to attain or preserve a hated rule over another people, it must be
content to see its failure made the subject of never-ending triumph and
exultation. The joy attached to the sense of escape or emancipation tends
to perpetuate itself by periodical celebrations, in which it is not
likely that the motives of the other party, or the general justice of the
case, will be very carefully considered or allowed for. We may doubt if
it be morally expedient thus to keep alive the memory of facts which as
certainly infer mortification to one party as they do glorification to
another: but we must all admit that it is only natural, and in a measure
to be expected.”
When we come to view the facts as they are, to realize of what shocking
sportsmanship our own one-sided view of independence convicts us, we
shall have removed one of the chief obstacles to Anglo-Saxon solidarity.
But it will be necessary first to learn something about the day we
celebrate. How many, for instance, even know that July fourth was fixed
upon as a compromise date between two other rival claimants?
Walsh writes:[4]
“It may not be generally known that no less than three dates might
reasonably compete for designation as the natal day of American
Independence and for the honors of the anniversary of that event.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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