India and Tibet: A history of the relations which have subsisted between the two countries from the time of Warren Hastings to 1910; with a particular account of the mission to Lhasa of 1904 — John Shaqi
India and Tibet: A history of the relations which have subsisted between the two countries from the time of Warren Hastings to 1910; with a particular account of the mission to Lhasa of 1904Younghusband, Francis Edward, Sir
History
India and Tibet: A history of the relations which have subsisted between the two countries from the time of Warren Hastings to 1910; with a particular account of the mission to Lhasa of 1904
Younghusband, Francis Edward, Sir
British -- China -- Tibet Autonomous Region; India -- Foreign relations -- China -- Tibet Autonomous Region; Lhasa (China); Tibet Autonomous Region (China) -- Foreign relations -- India
These are, of course, ideal methods of conveying instructions to an
agent, which it is not always possible for a high official to give. Lord
Curzon would, I know, have liked to give similar instructions to me,
and, as far as providing money, staff, military support, etc., he did.
But, with the closer interconnection of public affairs, public business
is now so complicated that it is not, I suppose, possible to leave to an
agent the same amount of discretion that Warren Hastings did to Bogle.
Still, great results in many fields, and, what is more, great men, have
been produced by the use of Warren Hastings’ method of selecting the
fittest agent, and then leaving everything in his hands. I do not see
that any better results have been obtained by utilizing human agents as
mere telephones. If the conduct of affairs has become complicated, that
does not appear to be any reason in itself for abandoning the method. It
appears only a reason for principals and agents rising to the higher
occasion while still pursuing the old successful method. Ease of
communication has brought nations more closely together and complicated
affairs, but it has also made possible readier personal communication
between principal and agent. And therefore there is need not so much for
curtailing the discretion of the agent while he is at work as for
utilizing the greater facility for personal intercourse now possible. In
conversation the agent will be able to impress his principals with
whatever local and personal difficulties he has to contend with, and the
means required for carrying out their object, and they will be able to
impress him with the limits outside which it is impossible to allow him
to act. It is a clear certainty that the present tendency to
concentrate, not merely control, but also direction, in London, cannot
go on for ever. An Empire like ours, immense in size and immensely
complicated, cannot be managed in detail from headquarters. The time
must come when the House of Commons and the constituencies, overburdened
with the great affairs with which they have to deal, will, by the sheer
force and weight of circumstances, see the advantages of leaving more to
the men on the spot. They will probably insist on agents being more
carefully selected. They will require them to keep in much closer
personal contact with headquarters. They will expect, too, that
politicians who control should already be personally acquainted, or make
themselves personally acquainted, with the countries they control. But
with these conditions fulfilled they will, it may be hoped, be able to
leave more to the men on the spot, removing them relentlessly if they
act wrongly, but while they are acting, leaving them to act in their own
way.
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