Joel Chandler Harris' life of Henry W. Grady including his writings and speeches
History
Joel Chandler Harris' life of Henry W. Grady including his writings and speeches
Grady, Henry Woodfin, 1850-1889
through a system that mocks at God’s recurring rains, knows not the
farmer, and locks competition in the grasp of monopoly. And the
millions, thus wrung from the people, loaned back to them at usury,
laying the blight of the mortgage on their homes, and the obligation of
debt on their manhood. Talk about the timidity of capital. That is a
forgotten phrase. In the power and irresponsibility of this sudden and
enormous wealth is bred an insolence that knows no bounds. “The public
be damned!” was the sentiment of the plutocrats, speaking through the
voice of Vanderbilt’s millions. In cornering the product and levying the
tribute—in locking up abundant supply until the wheels of industry
stop—in oppressing through trusts, and domineering in the strength of
corporate power, the plutocrats do what no political party would dare
attempt and what no government on this earth would enforce. The Czar of
Russia would not dare hold up a product until the mill-wheels were idle,
or lay an unusual tax on bread and meat to replenish his coffers, and
yet these things our plutocrats, flagrant and irresponsible, do day
after day until public indignation is indignant and shame is lost in
wonder.
And when an outraged people turn to government for help what do they
find? Their government in the hands of a party that is in sympathy with
their oppressors—that was returned to power with votes purchased with
their money—and whose confessed leaders declared that trusts are largely
private concerns with which the government had naught to do. Not only is
the dominant party the apologist of the plutocrats and the beneficiary
of their crimes, but it is based on that principle of centralization
through which they came into life and on which alone they can exist. It
holds that sovereignty should be taken from the States and lodged with
the nation—that political powers and privileges should be wrested from
the people and guarded at the capital. It distrusts the people, and even
now demands that your ballot-boxes shall be hedged about by its
bayonets. It declares that a strong government is better than a free
government, and that national authority, backed by national armies and
treasury, is a better guarantee of peace and prosperity and liberty and
enlightenment diffused among the people. To defend this policy, that
cannot be maintained by argument or sustained by the love or confidence
of the people, it rallies under its flag the mercenaries of the
Republic, the syndicate, the trust, the monopolist, and the plutocrat,
and strengthening them by grant and protection, rejoices as they grow
richer and the people grow poorer. Confident in the debauching power of
money and the unscrupulous audacity of their creatures, they catch the
spirit of Vanderbilt’s defiance and call aloud from their ramparts, “the
people be damned!” I charge that this party has bought its way for
twenty years. Its nucleus was the passion that survived the war—and
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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