When one turns to other forces now commencing to pulsate through Labour, one is impressed by the increasing general desire for mental and cultural improvement, at times pathetic in its search for simple gratifications. Some persons scoff at this seeking after higher things by the working-classes; their scorn is ill-timed, and their irony misdirected. There is rapidly developing, I am glad to say, an increasing movement in this direction. Those engaged in social work in our great industrial centres can testify to the innumerable ways in which this aspiration is finding healthy expression. More than one foreign observer has recorded his opinion that the stability of the British Constitution is materially due to the strong attachment to, and sentiment for, family life that prevail in this country. No member of the community is a stronger supporter of family life than the British working-man; no one is prepared to make more substantial sacrifices for its maintenance and preservation, no one more frequently has to make them. In this respect the British worker is one of the greatest living individualists, and the strength of his family individualism will never let him be converted into a thoroughgoing Communist. Theorists may talk to him till tired of working for the State and the community—I had to use that argument in war-time—he will answer them, as I have been answered on the Clyde: “I work for the wife and bairns.” Low Conception of Work In regard to his conception of work the British working-man is hopelessly wrong in his outlook. Some find pleasure in work; the manual worker is not one of them. He has come to regard work as a species of thraldom, instituted, not for his profit or improvement, but solely for the maintenance of his employer and the swelling of his profits. This, of course, is merely a weak dilution of the Marxian fallacy. The modern manual worker, because he has never been taught to look upon work as a moral duty or upon industry as one of the highest forms of national service, sees no dignity in work, and is sensible of no obligation incumbent on him to work to the best of his ability or even for the duration of the working day. The number of expedients to which I have known manual workers resort—in other respects honest, upright men—in order to scamp the job, or cut time, would be perfectly surprising to those not conversant with industry. To-day the moral obligation to work seems inverted into a duty to do as little as possible for the wages. Sometimes the motive is to make the job last longer, at other times, to assist unemployment by making work go round, and, where remuneration is based on payment by results, for less altruistic reasons, to force up the prices paid for the job. But although the Marxian doctrine—that the more work an employee does the more he contributes to the betrayal of his brother workers by assisting the employer to amass illicit gains out