Record and analysis require an experimental formulation of standards by
which the work of government can be tested. Such standards are not to
be evolved off-hand out of anyone’s consciousness. Some have already
been worked out experimentally, others still need to be discovered;
all need to be refined and brought into perspective by the wisdom of
experience. Carried out competently, the public would gradually learn
to substitute objective criteria for gossip and intuitions. One can
imagine a public-health service subjected to such expert criticism.
The institute of research publishes the death-rate as a whole for a
period of years. It seems that for a particular season the rate is bad
in certain maladies, that in others the rate of improvement is not
sufficiently rapid. These facts are compared with the expenditures
of the service, and with the main lines of its activity. Are the bad
results due to the causes beyond the control of the service? do they
indicate a lack of foresight in asking appropriations for special work?
or in the absence of novel phenomena, do they point to a decline of the
personnel, or in its morale? If the latter, further analysis may reveal
that salaries are too low to attract men of ability, or that the head
of the service by bad management has weakened the interest of his staff.
When the work of government is analyzed in some such way as this, the
reporter deals with a body of knowledge that has been organized for
his apprehension. In other words, he is able to report the “news,”
because between him and the raw material of government there has been
interposed a more or less expert political intelligence. He ceases to
be the ant, described by William James, whose view of a building was
obtained by crawling over the cracks in the walls.
These political observatories will, I think, be found useful in all
branches of government, national, state, municipal, industrial, and
even in foreign affairs. They should be clearly out of reach either of
the wrath or of the favor of the office-holders. They must, of course,
be endowed, but the endowment should be beyond the immediate control
of the legislature and of the rich patron. Their independence can
be partially protected by the terms of the trust; the rest must be
defended by the ability of the institute to make itself so much the
master of the facts as to be impregnably based on popular confidence.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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