what is there to prevent a departure in every direction?’
The glory of the Edinburgh Review is that from the first it steadily
set itself to oppose this timorous acquiescence in the actual system.
On domestic subjects the history of the first thirty years of the
nineteenth century is a species of duel between the Edinburgh Review and
Lord Eldon. All the ancient abuses which he thought it most dangerous
to impair, they thought it most dangerous to retain. ‘To appreciate
the value of the Edinburgh Review,’ says one of the founders, ‘the
state of England at the period when that journal began should be had
in remembrance. The Catholics were not emancipated. The Corporation
and Test Acts were unrepealed. The game-laws were horribly oppressive;
steel-traps and spring-guns were set all over the country; prisoners
tried for their lives could have no counsel. Lord Eldon and the Court
of Chancery pressed heavily on mankind. Libel was punished by the most
cruel and vindictive imprisonments. The principles of political economy
were little understood. The laws of debt and conspiracy were on the
worst footing. The enormous wickedness of the slave-trade was tolerated.
A thousand evils were in existence which the talents of good and noble
men have since lessened or removed: and these efforts have been not a
little assisted by the honest boldness of the Edinburgh Review.’ And even
more characteristic than the advocacy of these or any other partial or
particular reforms is the systematic opposition of the Edinburgh Review
to the crude acquiescence in the _status quo_; the timorous dislike to
change because it was change; to the optimistic conclusion, ‘that what
is, ought to be;’ the sceptical query, ‘How do you know that what you say
will be any better?’
In this defence of the principle of innovation, a defence which it
requires great imagination (or, as we suggested, the looking across
the Channel) to conceive the efficacy of now, the Edinburgh Review was
but the doctrinal organ of the Whigs. A great deal of philosophy has
been expended in endeavouring to fix and express theoretically the creed
of that party: various forms of abstract doctrine have been drawn out,
in which elaborate sentence follows hard on elaborate sentence, to be
set aside, or at least vigorously questioned by the next or succeeding
inquirers. In truth Whiggism is not a creed, it is a character. Perhaps
as long as there has been a political history in this country there have
been certain men of a cool, moderate, resolute firmness, not gifted with
high imagination, little prone to enthusiastic sentiment, heedless of
large theories and speculations, careless of dreamy scepticism; with a
clear view of the next step, and a wise intention to take it; a strong
conviction that the elements of knowledge are true, and a steady belief
that the present world can, and should be, quietly improved.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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