In the end, the military were brutalised, whilst the civilians became
enervated. The former were made venal, the latter cowardly. The
master-mind of Machiavelli, after the French invasions of 1492-9, saw
these mischiefs, and would have remedied them by his plan for a civic
militia; but it was too late, and the degeneracy engrafted upon the
national character of Italy by the condottiere system still cankers it
to the core.
* * * * *
Although the states which grew up under these varying circumstances
are universally known as the Italian Republics, this phrase is
scarcely correct in our idiom. The leading peculiarity of mediæval
Italy was the separate sovereignty of its petty principalities, and
towns of minor rank, in which democratic constitutions were but
incidental and transient distinctions, progressively disappearing as
the dark ages were succeeded by a cycle of golden radiance. The
Italian Republics might, therefore, be more aptly named the Italian
Communes or Commonwealths. This misnomer has also given rise to
somewhat confused views regarding the amount of liberty enjoyed in
these states, especially since their history has become known to us
from the pen of one whose democratic prepossessions, though clothed in
eloquence, are so tempered by benevolent philosophy as those of
Sismondi.
Liberty is a word of vague signification, both as to quality and
degree. In a political sense, it has at least three meanings: personal
freedom, self-government, national independence. Let us test the
application of each of these qualities to the Italian commonwealths.
Neither in them nor in any contemporary state, was freedom of person
known in name or in fact. Individuals had no guarantee against
oppression by their rulers, nor security from their powerful
neighbours; no great charter constituted for them a claim of right to
personal protection. In this respect there was little difference
between the subjects of a petty autocrat and those of a democratic
faction,--between the tyranny of one or of many: but in Venice, that
most prosperous and permanent of all the commonwealths, which Roscoe,
by a happy antithesis, has described as a "republic of nobles with a
populace of slaves," and which especially arrogated _the_ republic as
its title, individual safety was at the lowest grade.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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