Men of Our Times; Or, Leading Patriots of the Day: Being narratives of the lives and deeds of statesmen, generals, and orators. Including biographical sketches and anecdotes of Lincoln, Grant, Garrison, Sumner, Chase, Wilson, Greeley, Farragut, Andrew, Colfax, Stanton, Douglass, Buckingham, Sherman, Sheridan, Howard, Phillips and Beecher.Stowe, Harriet Beecher
History
Men of Our Times; Or, Leading Patriots of the Day: Being narratives of the lives and deeds of statesmen, generals, and orators. Including biographical sketches and anecdotes of Lincoln, Grant, Garrison, Sumner, Chase, Wilson, Greeley, Farragut, Andrew, Colfax, Stanton, Douglass, Buckingham, Sherman, Sheridan, Howard, Phillips and Beecher.
Stowe, Harriet Beecher
United States -- Biography; United States -- History -- Civil War, 1861-1865 -- Biography
Mere power as a debater, either in parliamentary assemblies or before
popular meetings, has often existed, without any share of the calmer,
and larger, and profounder, and more reflective abilities of the
statesman. Mr. Lincoln possessed both, and in both, his methods were
alike of an intuitively practical, and remarkably direct, simple and
effective nature. Doubtless he had often given proofs of skill in
practical politics, during his consultations of the preceding twenty
years, with the leaders and managers of his party in Illinois. Obscure
operations of local party organizations seldom make any record, or
become visible at all on the surface of history. But the man who in
an adverse hour, when all other counsellors have failed, can unite
discordant elements into a new party, must be confessed to have
statesmanlike skill. This is more peculiarly so when this party must
be founded on a moral principle, and must be bounded and circumscribed
in its working by moral rules and restraints. While unprincipled men
can help themselves by any and all sorts of means, men of principle
are confined to those within certain limits, and the difficulties of
organization in such cases are vastly greater.
When in 1856 the Illinois convention met to choose delegates to the
National Convention that nominated Fremont, there was in the political
ocean a wild chaos of elements. Free Soil men, Anti-Nebraska men,
Liberty Party men, Native Americans, Old Whigs and Old Democrats, and
newly arrived emigrants of no party at all, mixed up in heterogeneous
confusion, tossing and tumbling blindly about for a new platform
to stand on. After long and vain discussion, the committee on a
platform sent for Mr. Lincoln and asked for a suggestion. All the
sections of the Convention were opposed to slavery extension, but
in no other current political question were they at one. There was
imminent danger of discord and division. Their calm adviser quietly
said, "Take the Declaration of Independence, and Hostility to Slavery
Extension. Let us build our new party on the rock of the Declaration
of Independence, and the gates of hell shall not prevail against us."
Mr. Lincoln's profound and unfailing moral sense had seized upon the
relation between the heart of the United States and eternal right. His
suggestion embodied the only doctrine that could have won in the coming
battle. What he advised was done, and the party, on this platform,
revolutionized Illinois, made Mr. Lincoln President, extinguished
slavery, and reorganized the nation.
At Philadelphia, the same question came up again, and was solved by
adopting the same principle. It was on this occasion that Mr. Lincoln's
high position and important influence in the northwest received the
first acknowledgement that he was obtaining a national reputation. He
obtained a vote of one hundred and ten for the Vice Presidency on the
preliminary or informal ballot.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
Reviews
Reviews
No reviews yet
Be the first to share your thoughts on this work.
Join the Discussion
Join the discussion
Sign in to leave a comment or review.
Sign InorCreate an account