Men of Our Times; Or, Leading Patriots of the Day: Being narratives of the lives and deeds of statesmen, generals, and orators. Including biographical sketches and anecdotes of Lincoln, Grant, Garrison, Sumner, Chase, Wilson, Greeley, Farragut, Andrew, Colfax, Stanton, Douglass, Buckingham, Sherman, Sheridan, Howard, Phillips and Beecher.Stowe, Harriet Beecher
History
Men of Our Times; Or, Leading Patriots of the Day: Being narratives of the lives and deeds of statesmen, generals, and orators. Including biographical sketches and anecdotes of Lincoln, Grant, Garrison, Sumner, Chase, Wilson, Greeley, Farragut, Andrew, Colfax, Stanton, Douglass, Buckingham, Sherman, Sheridan, Howard, Phillips and Beecher.
Stowe, Harriet Beecher
United States -- Biography; United States -- History -- Civil War, 1861-1865 -- Biography
The great effort, however, which finally and firmly established Mr.
Lincoln's reputation as a speaker and statesman, was in 1858, when
he and Douglas once more were brought to a face encounter before the
people of Illinois, as opposing candidates for the U. S. Senate.
During the months of August, September and October, according to the
honest western custom, these two opposing candidates stumped the State
together, and presented their opposing claims and views in a series of
public gatherings. These meetings were in consequence of Mr. Lincoln's
invitation, but Mr. Douglas in accepting adroitly contrived to name
terms that gave him the opening and the closing turns, not only of the
whole series, but of four out of seven of the meetings.
In the June and July preceding, Mr. Lincoln made three other speeches,
two at Springfield and one at Chicago, which may be considered a sort
of preface to the great debates. The first of these, at Springfield,
June 17, 1858, was in some respects the most remarkable of Mr.
Lincoln's oratorical productions. It was made at the close of the
Republican State Convention which nominated Mr. Lincoln a candidate for
the U. S. Senate; and its opening paragraph is so remarkable for style,
so heavy with meaning, and so instinct with political foresight, that
it is worth quoting entire. It is as follows:
"Mr. President, and Gentlemen of the Convention:--If we could first
know where we are, and whither we are tending, we could better judge
what to do, and how to do it. We are now far into the fifth year since
a policy was initiated with the avowed object and confident promise
of putting an end to slavery agitation. Under the operation of that
policy, that agitation has not only not ceased, but has constantly
augmented. In my opinion it will not cease until a crisis shall have
been reached and passed. 'A house divided against itself cannot stand.'
I believe this government cannot endure permanently half slave and half
free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved--I do not expect the
house to fall--but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will
become all one thing or all the other. Either the opponents of slavery
will arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the public
mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate
extinction; or its advocates will push it forward, till it shall
become alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new, North as
well as South."
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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