which mere diplomacy has at its command--in other words by the conflict
of armed force. Each State now seeks to bend its enemy's will to its own
and to impose its policy upon him.
The means of pursuing this policy vary almost indefinitely. But inasmuch
as war is essentially the conflict of armed force, the primary object of
each belligerent must in all cases be to subdue, and, in the last
resort, to destroy the armed forces of the adversary. When that is done
all is done that war can do. How to do this most speedily and most
effectively is the fundamental problem of war. There is no cut-and-dried
solution of the problem, because although war may be considered, as it
has been considered above, in the abstract, it is the most concrete of
all human arts and, subject to the fundamental principle above
enunciated, its particular forms may, and indeed must, vary with the
circumstances and conditions of each particular war. Many commentators
on war distinguishing, with Clausewitz, between "limited" and
"unlimited" war, would further insist that the forms of war must vary
with its objects. I cannot follow this distinction, which seems to me to
be inconsistent with the fundamental proposition of Clausewitz, to the
effect that war is the pursuit of policy by means of the conflict of
armed force. If you desire your policy to prevail you must take the best
means that are open to you to make it prevail. It is worse than useless
to dissipate your energies in the pursuit of any purpose, however
important in itself, which does not directly conduce, and conduce better
than any other purpose you could pursue, to that paramount end. The only
limitation of your efforts that you can tolerate is that they should
involve the least expenditure of energy that may be necessary to make
your policy prevail. But that is a question of the economics of war; it
is not a question of "limited war" or of "war for a limited object."
Your sole object is to bend the enemy to your will. That object is
essentially an unlimited one, or one that is limited only by the extent
of the efforts which the enemy makes to withstand you. The only sure way
of attaining this object is to destroy his armed forces. If he submits
before this is done it is he that limits the war, not you. Bacon's
unimpeachable maxim in this regard is often misinterpreted. "This much
is certain," he says, "he that commands the sea is at great liberty and
may take as much or as little of the war as he will." That is
indisputable, but its postulate is that the belligerent has secured the
command of the sea; that is, as I shall show hereafter, that he has
subdued, if not destroyed, the armed forces of the enemy afloat. Having
done that he may, in a certain sense, take as much or as little of the
war as he chooses; but he must always take as much as will compel the
enemy to come to terms.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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