New York Times Current History; The European War, Vol 2, No. 4, July, 1915: April-September, 1915Various
History
New York Times Current History; The European War, Vol 2, No. 4, July, 1915: April-September, 1915
Various
World War, 1914-1918
The contents and tone of this note make it inexplainable that the
break between Wilson and Bryan was on its account. After Bryan's
declarations we had expected a note which might conjure up danger of a
German-American war. Mr. Bryan, who heads all the American peace
associations and likes to hear himself popularly referred to as the
Prince of Peace, apparently wants to appear as the savior from this
danger for reasons of internal politics, so as to win peace friends
among the German-Americans, Irish, and Jews with a view to the
Democratic Presidential nomination. Mr. Wilson, on the other hand,
hopes as negotiator between England and Germany to play the rôle of
arbiter mundi and through a great success in foreign politics assure
his position at home. The new Secretary, Mr. Lansing, has been long
considered a coming man. He has by no means been considered an
out-and-out friend of England.
_The Morgen Post, in a particularly sane two-column editorial,
expresses Germany's genuine satisfaction over America's hearty offer
of good offices, and says:_
There is no tinge of threat or high-handed tone toward Germany in the
note. On the contrary, its tone is quiet though earnest throughout,
and in several places it strikes a note of whole-hearted friendship
and seeks to leave a way open for further friendly negotiations. No
doubt the German Government will accept America's proffered good
offices with pleasure. It will be interesting to see what attitude the
English will now take. If they will revise the contraband list set up
by themselves and desist from making difficulties for neutral commerce
with Germany, and, above all, let foodstuffs and textile raw materials
through unhindered to Germany, then so far as we are concerned the
submarine warfare can cease.
Let the English continue to violate international law whereby they
forced us to resort to the use of the submarine as a weapon against
their commerce, and we will never allow ourselves to be persuaded to
give up this weapon, the only one we have to protect us against
violation at the hands of England and with which we can punish England
for her unlawful conduct. Should America's good offices prove to be in
vain it will be not ours but England's fault, and the Americans will
then readily understand that the reproach of an inhuman mode of
warfare must be laid at the doors of England and not Germany.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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