New York Times Current History; The European War, Vol 2, No. 4, July, 1915: April-September, 1915Various
History
New York Times Current History; The European War, Vol 2, No. 4, July, 1915: April-September, 1915
Various
World War, 1914-1918
It will soon be seen whether President Wilson employs the same measure
of energy against the English as against us. We sincerely hope so
because of the friendly, hearty tone of his note. "The American
Government cannot admit that the proclamation of a war zone may be
made to abbreviate the rights of American citizens?" Really not? We
recall that at the beginning of the war England declared the whole
North Sea as a war zone and the Americans did not get excited at that
time. We had a right to protest bitterly at America's attitude then,
but we will forget about it at the present moment. America has
proffered her good offices, and we will not doubt that her intentions
are honorable and meant in good faith.
_Paul Michaelis, in the Tageblatt, said:_
It is certain that the note does not simplify the serious situation,
and it is equally certain that it does not completely bar the way to
a peaceful and friendly understanding. The American Government holds
fast to the principle that submarine warfare on merchantmen is
inconsistent with the principles of justice and humanity, but the
German Government has never left the slightest doubt that it only
decided on the submarine warfare because the English method of
scorning all previous rules of naval warfare forced Germany to a
counter-war on commerce with the submarine.
But there seems to be no reason why the German and American
Governments should not get together in a joint discussion looking
toward some other form of naval warfare. This presupposes that
England, which took the first step in the commerce war, also takes the
first step to end it. At the same time the question must be
investigated of how ammunition shipments to our enemies can be
reconciled with the eternal principles of humanity featured by the
American note.
While there may be some practical difficulties, there can be no doubt
of Germany's willingness to help to bring about a modification of the
naval war along more humane lines. The answer to the American note
must, of course, take most carefully into account all the diplomatic,
political, and military exigencies, and it will be several weeks
before it is ready to be handed to the American Ambassador, especially
as we must wait to hear Dr. Meyer-Gerhard.
But it must be said now that the German people, now, as formerly, lay
great value on a continuation of unclouded relations with the United
States, whose war for freedom it once greeted with rejoicing, and
within whose borders millions of Germans have found a new home.
_Count Reventlow, Germany's "enfant terrible" who has been a
consistent thorn in the flesh of the German Foreign Office because of
his anti-American utterances, struck a surprisingly restrained and
moderate tone in the Tageszeitung:_
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