Nullification, Secession, Webster's Argument, and the Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions: Considered in Reference to the Constitution and Historically — John Shaqi
Nullification, Secession, Webster's Argument, and the Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions: Considered in Reference to the Constitution and HistoricallyLoring, Caleb William
History
Nullification, Secession, Webster's Argument, and the Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions: Considered in Reference to the Constitution and Historically
Loring, Caleb William
Nullification (States' rights); Secession
In the renewed friendly relations at the dinner-table and in the
lecture-room, the North of late has had the pleasure of listening to the
speeches and discourses of Southern orators, soldiers, and politicians,
who, while asserting their loyalty to the Union, claim that that Union
was a compact between independent sovereign States, from which each of
these independent sovereign States had an undoubted right to secede; our
Southern brethren, beaten in the trial of arms, persistently insist that
they fought for the right.
Besides Jefferson Davis’ _History of the Confederacy_, as bitter to some
of its generals as to the North, the Vice-President of that government,
of high repute for ability and reasoning powers, Alexander H. Stephens,
published two ponderous volumes to prove not only that the South could
secede, but that it was obligatory, if it wished to retain its equality
and freedom, alleging as the principal reason the wrongful infringement
of the right of the South to take its “peculiar property,” slaves, into
all the territories of the Union, the common property of all the States.
Recently was published Semmes’ _Career of the Sumter and Alabama_,
abusive of the Yankee and of Northern friends like Buchanan, insisting
on the justice and necessity of secession, and asserting the tyranny and
mean oppression of the North. We have had also a republication of
Governor Tazewell’s _Review of President Jackson’s Proclamation against
Nullification_; and generally the dedication of statues and decorating
of the graves of the soldiers of the Confederacy have been taken as
occasions to show the justice of the lost cause.
It is to be hoped that few agree with General Early’s declamation at
Winchester as to those of the South who changed their opinion as to
secession: “The Confederate who has deserted since the war is infinitely
worse than the one who deserted during the war.”
The same opinion as to the right of secession has been very generally
held by British politicians; and that opinion to a great extent
prevailed, and to-day prevails, in the English army and navy. Mr. John
Morley, in his life of Burke, in reference to Burke’s speeches
denouncing the conduct of Great Britain towards us as colonies, says
that “the current of opinion was then precisely similar in England in
the struggle to which the United States owed its existence, as in the
great civil war between the Northern and Southern States of the American
Union”; “people in England convinced themselves, some after careful
examination, others on hearsay, that the South had a right to secede.”
Lord Coleridge, who served as one of the British commissioners in the
Geneva arbitration, in an address recently delivered at Exeter on Sir
Stafford Northcote, says:
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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