The reason why the object deduced from the conception of War is not
adapted in general to real War lies in the difference between the two,
which is discussed in the preceding chapter. If it was as pure theory
gives it, then a War between two States of very unequal military
strength would appear an absurdity; therefore impossible. At most, the
inequality between the physical forces might be such that it could be
balanced by the moral forces, and that would not go far with our
present social condition in Europe. Therefore, if we have seen Wars
take place between States of very unequal power, that has been the case
because there is a wide difference between War in reality and its
original conception.
There are two considerations which as motives may practically take the
place of inability to continue the contest. The first is the
improbability, the second is the excessive price, of success.
According to what we have seen in the foregoing chapter, War must
always set itself free from the strict law of logical necessity, and
seek aid from the calculation of probabilities; and as this is so much
the more the case, the more the War has a bias that way, from the
circumstances out of which it has arisen—the smaller its motives are,
and the excitement it has raised—so it is also conceivable how out of
this calculation of probabilities even motives to peace may arise. War
does not, therefore, always require to be fought out until one party is
overthrown; and we may suppose that, when the motives and passions are
slight, a weak probability will suffice to move that side to which it
is unfavourable to give way. Now, were the other side convinced of this
beforehand, it is natural that he would strive for this probability
only, instead of first wasting time and effort in the attempt to
achieve the total destruction of the enemy’s Army.
Still more general in its influence on the resolution to peace is the
consideration of the expenditure of force already made, and further
required. As War is no act of blind passion, but is dominated by the
political object, therefore the value of that object determines the
measure of the sacrifices by which it is to be purchased. This will be
the case, not only as regards extent, but also as regards duration. As
soon, therefore, as the required outlay becomes so great that the
political object is no longer equal in value, the object must be given
up, and peace will be the result.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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