Papers of the American Negro Academy. (The American Negro Academy. Occasional Papers, No. 18-19.)Grimké, Archibald Henry
History
Papers of the American Negro Academy. (The American Negro Academy. Occasional Papers, No. 18-19.)
Grimké, Archibald Henry
African Americans -- Congresses
We should naturally
expect to find there the poets, the painters, the sculptors, the
inventors and the great organizers of enterprise. Elsewhere in the world
in the midst of similar conditions of soil and climate, we find the
white race excelling and leading the world in these particulars. The
white people inhabiting the South are of the same ethnic type, and have
in general the same group consciousness and aspiration. How else can we
account for the fact that they have contributed less than their kinsmen
in proportion to numbers to the sum of human knowledge, happiness and
liberty, if not by the fact that they have suffered the inevitable
handicap incident to an environment in which large numbers of human
beings suffer inequality and subordination?
But for the difference which has been historically accentuated in North
America between white and black which difference has inflicted much of
suffering upon both races, it would not be necessary to consider such a
subject as the citizenship status of the free Negro prior to 1860.
Before the Constitution of the United States was amended by the addition
thereto of the Fourteenth Amendment the statement that "The citizens of
each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of
citizens in the several States" was the only definite deliverance to be
found in that instrument in relation to the subject of citizenship. In
other words there was no national definition of citizenship, and up to
the time of the deliverance of the Dred Scott Decision in 1857, there
had been no comprehensive treatment of the subject in adjudications by
the Supreme Court of the United States. The mention of the term
"citizens" in the Constitution in the quotation just given indicates
that it had a meaning of such generally accepted significance that
definition was not necessary. Presumably citizenship conveyed then, as
it conveys now, an idea exactly the opposite of that conveyed by the
term slavery. A slave everywhere in the world was understood to be a
person who was absolved from allegiance, and was not due protection as
that term is ordinarily understood, and who could not invoke ordinary
legal process nor own property; a citizen was a person who owed
allegiance, was entitled to protection, had the right to invoke all the
processes of the law, could become the owner of property, and possibly,
if not a woman or a child, exercise the right of the elective franchise.
Such was the common understanding of the term citizen at the adoption of
the Constitution, and such is substantially the understanding of that
term at the present date. However, due to the presence of the Negro in
the body politic, the exigencies of the situation suggested an
interpretation of the term citizen which might not otherwise have
existed, but for the presence of the Negro. The exigency grew out of the
fact that toward the end of the eighteenth century and the beginning of
the nineteenth there
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