Abelard, Peter, 1079-1142; Theologians -- France -- Biography; Theology -- History -- Middle Ages, 600-1500
Abélard tells us that he remained ‘for several years almost cut off
from France.’ Rémusat thinks it was probably during this period
that he studied under Roscelin, but there is now little room for
doubt that his intercourse with the famous nominalist falls in the
earlier years. Much more probable is it that we should assign his
relations to Tirric of Chartres to the later date. The substance of
the anecdote that was found on the margin of the Ratisbon manuscript
seems to accord admirably with Abélard’s circumstances in the period
we have now reached. The question, however, will interest few, beyond
the narrow circle of historical specialists. He himself is silent
about the few years of rest in the Breton castle, merely stating that
he returned to Paris when he had recovered his health. We have to
remember that the autobiography he has left us was entitled by him
the ‘Story of my Calamities.’ It is not the full presentment of the
swiftly moving drama of the life of Abélard. He speaks of joy only
when it is the prelude to sorrow, or when some faint spark of the old
ardour leaps into life once more.
When Abélard at length returned to the arena, he found a significant
change. William had deserted the cloistral school. In a solitary
spot down the river, beyond the foot of the eastern slope of St.
Genevieve, was a small priory that had belonged to the monks of St.
Victor of Marseilles. Thither, says Franklin, William had retired
‘to hide his despair and the shame of his defeat.’ The controversy
had by no means been decided against him yet. Indeed, William’s
biographers loyally contend that he was sincerely touched by the
religious spirit of the age, and adopted the monastic life from the
purest of motives. Abélard, on the other hand, declares that the
inspiration came from a hope of exchanging the chair of Notre Dame
for that of an episcopal see. Abélard is scarcely an ideal witness,
though the passage was written nearly thirty years afterwards, yet
his interpretation is probably correct; at least, if we take it as
a partial explanation. William was shrewd enough to see that his
supremacy in the scholastic world was doomed, and that the best
alternative was a bishopric. He was still young (about thirty-eight,
apparently) and ambitious; in his character of archdeacon, he was
already only one step removed from the episcopate; and he had
influence and qualifications above the average. It is scarcely
correct to say, as Gervaise does, that at that time ‘the monastery
was the recognised path to the episcopacy,’ on account of the wide
degradation of the secular clergy. Their degradation was assuredly
deep and widespread, but so were simony and electoral corruption. We
generally find, in the old chronicles, one or other of the deceased
bishop’s archdeacons ascending the vacant throne. However, William
of Champeaux was a religious man; for the pious the surest path to
the episcopate passed through the monastery.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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