Popular misgovernment in the United StatesCruikshank, Alfred Byron
History
Popular misgovernment in the United States
Cruikshank, Alfred Byron
Suffrage -- United States; United States -- Politics and government
The narrowing effect of sectionalism and prejudice on the human mind is
curiously illustrated by the remarkable fact that in the Convention
debates it was assumed on both sides that the entire benefit of the
protection of private property by the Commonwealth inured to its
individual owners. West Virginia delegates, therefore, insisted that the
rich automatically received a preponderant share in the blessings of
government; for example, said they, ten Virginians each owning $20,000
of property receive in all $200,000 of protection, which is double the
total benefit received by one hundred citizens owning $1,000 each; thus
one group of ten men get twice as much aggregate benefit from the state
as another group of a hundred men. Over and over again it was urged that
government protection of property was principally for the benefit of the
rich minority. According to this absurd theory, the State of Virginia
had no interest in the preservation of the accumulated private property
within its borders; and would not be damaged if its dwellings,
furniture, barns, stock, crops, vehicles and vessels of every
description were destroyed. The Virginia clerks, laborers and hired
workers of every description would not suffer in such case by being
deprived of employment; possibly they could subsist on air, ruins or
radical doctrines. The lack of business training and of business
conceptions among the exceptionally able men of that Convention, and the
need of such training for the membership of similar bodies today is
strongly brought to our attention by the circumstance that such foolish
reasoning passed unchallenged. The fact that all property is of common
utility; that it constitutes a vast store from which all, rich, poor and
middling are alike supported; that the workman needs the factory at
least as much as the proprietor, was not in the mind of the Convention;
the probability that the destruction of the entire property of the ten
rich men above referred to would injure the community at large even more
than the owners was apparently not appreciated by the Virginia delegates
in 1829 any more than it would be by the members of one of our
aldermanic boards today.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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